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  • 1.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Only Paradoxes to Offer: The Gendered Politics of Knowledge and Expertise in Germany2022Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, theorizing about societal and political transformations has been closely intertwined with claims about new modalities of knowledge production. A reflexive mode of knowledge has been identified hich assumes that science has lost its traditional status of relative autonomy and is thus becoming increasingly interwoven with other societal spheres. The shift of classical research universities towards a more application-oriented mode of scientific knowledge as well as the institutionalization of gender studies as an interdisciplinary field corresponds with this socially distributed system of knowledge production. 

    These changes have profoundly reshaped political processes and public communication, yielding a novel style of governing through knowledge and resulting in both the scientification of politics and a heightened politicization of expertise. Contestation of the sharp distinction between academic and other forms of knowledge has created new possibilities for co-production and transgressive knowledge while also providing fuel for regressive politics. This seems to have taken many scholars by surprise, but a few, such as Donna Haraway and Ulrich Beck, foresaw it decades ago. 

    The aim of this paper is twofold. First, it seeks to advance feminist theorizing about the politics of knowledge through a critical examination as well a recasting of different approaches circulating in current feminist debates. Second, it explores Germany, a country that has experienced major transformations with regard to both its gender policy and political knowledge regimes. I argue that a broader understanding of societal changes, and of the modalities of knowledge production accompanying them, provides an analytical lens that allows us to move beyond the linear imaginary prevalent in much feminist scholarship on knowledge and expertise, capturing ambiguities with a more nuanced perspective. Launching the concept of feminist political epistemology, the paper investigates the paradoxical constellation of democratization of expertise and anti-gender right-wing mobilization that challenges the epistemic credibility not only of gender studies, but of academic knowledge itself. 

    The paper explores Germany, a country that has experienced major transformations with regard to both its gender policy and political knowledge regimes; the German context provides vital insight into the contradictory dynamics involved in new modalities of governing and epistemic authority. 

  • 2.
    Cavaghan, Rosalind
    et al.
    Edinburgh, UK.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Experts, Idiots, and Liars: The Gender Politics of Knowledge and Expertise in Turbulent Times2020Ingår i: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society, ISSN 1072-4745, E-ISSN 1468-2893, Vol. 27, nr 4, s. 643-647Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This special issue advances feminist inquiry and theorizing of the politics of knowledge within our current, highly paradoxical societal landscape. It draws together feminist analyses of “expertise” with feminist epistemologies of situated knowledge, Black feminist thought, theory of affect and emotions, sociology of knowledge, and science and technology studies (STS). As such, it enables a timely interdisciplinary engagement with current paradigmatic shifts in knowledge production and claims to expertise as well as an examination of the gendered and racialized epistemic authority.

    For several decades, the study of “knowledge,” changing modes of knowledge production, and the dynamics shaping the recognition of expertise were largely confided to the specialized subfields of sociology of knowledge..

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Link to article
  • 3.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Political Epistemology in Gender Policy-Making: The German Democratization of Expertise2020Ingår i: Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society, ISSN 1072-4745, E-ISSN 1468-2893, Vol. 27, nr 4, s. 765-789Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article proposes the concept of feminist political epistemology to examine the changing modalities of knowledge production in Germany. The article examines how German gender equality policies have been embedded in and shaped by the shifting modalities of knowledge production and the remaking of the science expertise–politics nexus. The two formative time periods investigated—the 1960s–1970s and 1998 to the present—account for major shifts in the gender and political knowledge regime in Germany. The findings provide insights into the contradictory dynamics involved in transformations of political and epistemic authority.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Link to article
  • 4. Cavaghan, Rosalind
    et al.
    Kulawik, TeresaSödertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Special Issue: Experts, Idiots and Liars: The Gender Politics of Knowledge and Expertise in Turbulent Times2020Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This special issue advances feminist inquiry and theorizing of the politics of knowledge within our current, highly paradoxical societal landscape. It draws together feminist analyses of “expertise” with feminist epistemologies of situated knowledge, Black feminist thought, theory of affect and emotions, sociology of knowledge, and science and technology studies (STS). As such, it enables a timely interdisciplinary engagement with current paradigmatic shifts in knowledge production and claims to expertise as well as an examination of the gendered and racialized epistemic authority.

  • 5.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Kravchenko, ZhannaSödertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East–West Frontier2019Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
  • 6.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Introduction: European Borderlands and Topographies of Transnational Feminism2019Ingår i: Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East–West Frontier / [ed] Teresa Kulawik, Zhanna Kravchenko, London: Routledge, 2019, s. 1-38Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 7.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Theorizing Frontiers: Postcolonial # European Borderlands2019Ingår i: Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East–West Frontier / [ed] Teresa Kulawik, Zhanna Kravchenko, London: Routledge, 2019, s. 79-109Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 8.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Upheavals in Political Epistemology: The Clash between Democratized Expertise and Antigenderism in Germany2019Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, theorizing about societal and political transformations has become closely intertwined with claims about new modalities of knowledge production. Exemplary of these changes has been the remaking of the policy–science nexus. Traditional technocratic and hierarchical policy-making styles have been gradually reshaped by more horizontal participatory procedures in which “expert” knowledge is not synonymous with “scientific” knowledge. These developments imply recognition of feminist knowledge and academia as politically relevant “gender expertise” in many European countries, including Germany. However, in about 2005, public campaigns against the “ideology of gender” or “genderism” began to question the scientific character of gender research as a discipline.  This paper advances feminist approaches to the expertise–policy nexus by deploying the concept of political epistemologies and drawing on the insights from science and technology studies that have been moving it from a linear “knowledge utilization approach” towards a notion of co-production and boundary-crossing configurations. The “male-stream” shows that countries differ enormously with regard to the ways in which they institutionalize expertise and assess knowledge claims in political processes. This analysis explores the German political knowledge regime through the lens of such comparative typologies. It focuses on the period from 2000 onwards, which has been marked by major reform projects within the field of gender policies. This era has encompassed a double transformation: one from women and gender towards intersectionality and diversity as well as one represented by the shift in the contact zone between expertise and politics, developing from an expertise embedded primarily within government and public bodies into a horizontal web of advisory systems. Drawing on interview data and documentary analysis, this article considers the following questions: What institutional and epistemic mechanisms can account for Germany’s knowledge regime? What impact is anti-genderist mobilization having on political epistemology?

  • 9.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    The Paradoxes of Political Epistemology: Democratization of Expertise versus Antigenderism2018Ingår i: 10th European Feminist Research Conference: Difference, Diversity, Diffraction: Confronting Hegemonies and Dispossessions / [ed] Göttingen Diversity Research Institute, Göttingen: Göttingen Diversity Research Institute , 2018, s. 377-378Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In the last decades, theorizing about societal and political transforma­tions have been closely intertwined with claims about new modalities of knowledge production. The institutionalization of women´s and gender studies as post-academic interdisciplinary field corresponds with this so­cially distributed, system of knowledge production. Equally important has been the remaking of the policy-science nexus. Scientific claims in polit­ical processes have become increasingly publicly contested, not least in the field of gender policies. The traditional technocratic and hierarchical policy-making style has been reshaped by more horizontal participatory procedures which have been perceived as democratization of expertise. These developments implied a recognition of feminist knowledge and academia as politically relevant “gender expertise,” in many European countries. Parallel to this processes, since around 2005 public cam­paigns against the “ideology of gender” or “genderism” started to ques­tion the scientific character of gender research as a discipline.

    This paper explores the interplay between gender, knowledge, and poli­cy-making in Germany and Sweden within the field of gender equality. This paper deploys a novel perspective. It launches the concept of polit­ical epistemologies drawing on insights from science and technology studies, which have been pioneering research focusing on the policy-sci­ence nexus and moving it from a linear “knowledge utilization approach” towards a notion of co-production and boundary-crossing configura­tions. It will pursue the following questions: In what ways has scientific expertise contributed to the shape of these political fields? What institu­tional and epistemic mechanisms can account for the detected knowl­edge regime? Which impact has the anti-genderist mobilization on the political epistemology?

  • 10.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    The Paradoxes of Political Epistemology: Democratization of Expertise Versus Antigenderism in Germany2018Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In the last decades, theorizing about societal and political transformations have been closely intertwined with claims about new modalities of knowledge production. A reflexive mode of knowledge was identified and assumed that science has lost its traditional status of relative autonomy and thus becomes increasingly interwoven with other societal spheres. Exemplary for this changes was the transformation of classical research universities towards a more application-oriented mode of scientific knowledge. The institutionalization of women´s and gender studies as post-academic interdisciplinary field corresponds with this socially distributed, system of knowledge production. Equally important has been the remaking of the policy-science nexus. Scientific claims in political processes have become increasingly publicly contested, especially in new policy areas such as ecological and genetic technologies and not least in the field of gender policies. The traditional technocratic and hierarchical policy-making style has been gradually reshaped by more horizontal participatory procedures in which “expert” knowledge is not synonymous with “scientific” knowledge. The past decades have seen a growing commitment by governments to public involvement, and public dialogue in governance, which have been classified as democratization of expertise. These developments implied a recognition of feminist knowledge and academia as politically relevant “gender expertise,” in many European countries, also in Germany. Parallel to this processes, since around 2005 public campaigns against the “ideology of gender” or “genderism” started to question the scientific character of gender research as a discipline. This paper explores the interplay between gender, knowledge, and policy-making in Germany within the field of gender equality within this highly contradictory constellation. Feminist research about the science-policy-politics nexus has been for quite some time a remarkable gap in feminist political science, but has been expanding in the last couple of years (Bustelo, Ferguson and Forest 2016; Cavaghan 2017). “Male-stream” shows that countries differ enormously with regard to the ways in which they institutionalize expertise and assess knowledge claims in political processes (Jasanoff 2005; Campbell and Pedersen 2010; Weingart and Lentsch 2010). In terms of gender policies, Germany presents a puzzling case. While (West) Germany was until quite recently very reluctant to remodel its strong male-breadwinner gender regime, it has since the 1970s established one of the largest gender equality machineries in Europe. Germany’s gender equality institutions have, however, not prevented it from becoming a notorious laggard with regard to the implementation of relevant European Union directives (Liebert 1999; Lang 2009). This paper deploys a novel perspective. It launches the concept of political epistemologies drawing on insights from science and technology studies, which have been pioneering research focusing on the policy-science nexus and moving it from a linear “knowledge utilization approach” towards a notion of co-production and boundary-crossing configurations. It will pursue the following questions: In what ways has scientific expertise contributed to the shape of these political fields? What institutional and epistemic mechanisms can account for the detected knowledge regime? Which impact has the anti-genderist mobilization on the political epistemology?

  • 11.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Auf Leben und Tod: Politische Epistemologie und Körperpolitik im Grenzland Europas2017Ingår i: Dauerkämpfe: Feministische Zeitdiagnosen und Strategien / [ed] Bargetz, Brigitte; Kreisky, Eva; Ludwig, Gundula, Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag, 2017, s. 111-121Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 12.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Political Knowledge, Gender Expertise and Policymaking in Germany: The Case of Gender Mainstreaming2017Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Panel: Discourses and Epistemes in Gendered Policy-Making   full details Abstract: The aim of this paper is to explore the interaction between gender, knowledge and policymaking in Germany. The analysis will explore the changes in the legal and institutional framework since 2000 and the transformation from women towards intersectionality and diversity. In contrast to various approaches in policy analysis, the aim is not primarily to account for the policy outcome, but rather to explore the embedment of policy processes in the communication and authorization of “legitimate” knowledge. In what ways has scientific expertise contributed to the shape of these political fields? What roles does gender research play in political knowledge production? Which institutional and epistemic mechanisms can account for the detected knowledge regime? The study relates to two research fields: feminist policy analysis and studies of scientific expertise in political decision-making processes, which in turn draw on concepts from Science and Technology Studies. By combining these two perspectives, the paper, which is part of a larger comparative project, will provide an innovative contribution to the analysis of gender politics. Political knowledge regimes are conceived as cross-border configurations that influence the generation, dissemination and evaluation of politically relevant and legitimate knowledge. The aim is to analyze how different types of knowledge are negotiated and translated in communicative processes, ranging from scientific, popular to tacit, under conditions that are characterized by a kind of paradox. On the one hand, scientific knowledge is increasingly important within state governance on the other hand, as a site of objectivity, certainty and impartiality scholarly knowledge has come under siege and lost its traditional status of relative autonomy and authority. A new reflexive and transgressive mode of knowledge production is identified, and not least represented by feminist and gender studies.

  • 13.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    "Wir wollen Medizin, keine Ideologie!" Politische Epistemologie, Körperwissen und Geschlechterverhältnisse in Polen2017Ingår i: Geschlecht und Wissen(schaft) in Ostmitteleuropa / [ed] Ina Alber-Armenat, Claudia Kraft, Marburg: Herder Institut, 2017, s. 93-118Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 14.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Body Politics, Knowledge Cultures and Gender Regimes in Germany, Poland and Sweden2015Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Bodily issues are, despite their central role for feminist politics and scholarship, strangely under-researched in a systematic way. We know fairly little about the relation between body politics and the formation of different national gender regimes. The paper seeks to unravel puzzling questions about the development of gender regimes in Germany, Poland and Sweden through the lens of body politics. Under special scrutiny are the different strategies of the women´s movements to politicize bodily issues. The perspective challenges linear notions of gender policy development. Contrary to what one might expect today, historically Germany has been a pioneer of reproductive rights and sexual reform. The demand to repeal the abortion paragraph from the penal code was raised as early as 1907. During the interwar period abortion law gave rise to mass mobilization and a fairly permissive legal regulation. Despite a rather restrictive abortion law in the 1970s German feminists mobilized on a mass scale against reproductive technologies. In Sweden they were barely politicized at all. This is in accordance with a historical pattern within which claims to an abortion on demand were not raised by women´s organizations before the 1970. In the debates of the 1930 the socalled social clause was rejected with the argument that it would imply an abdication from social reform. In Poland today debates about reproductive rights as well as IVF are highly polarized. Historically, Poland was in some respect more liberal than Sweden, it neither criminalized contraceptives nor homosexuality. The analytical framework applied in the study examines the three countries as spaces of articulation and institutional assemblies that embody certain “conditions of possibility” for thinking and acting. The framework of discursive institutionalism, outlined in earlier publications, is enhanced through including temporality.

  • 15.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Bodily Citizenship in the Age of Biosciences: a Historical and Comparative Perspective2014Ingår i: Nordiques, ISSN 1761-7677, nr 28, s. 103-124Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 16.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, Genusvetenskap.
    Women's Solidarity: The uprising of the Polish women's movement2014Ingår i: Eurozine, ISSN 1684-4637Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 17.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Föråldrad syn styr forskning med stamceller2012Ingår i: Svenska Dagbladet, ISSN 1101-2412, nr 0 februari, s. 10-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [sv]

    KOSTSAMT Sverige har lagt mycket prestige och pengar på att bli världsledande inom stamcellsforskning på embryon. Men redan nu har satsningarna visat sig felriktade. Forskningspolitiken styrs ofta av ett kortsiktigt nyttoperspektiv och en föråldrad syn på kunskapsutveckling.

    Vetenskapen i dag liknar knappast den bild som fortfarande präglar våra vardagliga föreställningar. Den fria forskningen, som drivs av sanningssökande, är satt på undantag. Dagens vetenskap är en i hög grad styrd verksamhet. Detta är inte minst tydligt i diskussionerna inför regeringens kommande forskningsproposition.

    Man hävdar att det gäller att placera Sverige i den ”kunskapsmässiga fronten”, samt, med Alfred Nobels berömda formulering, att åstadkomma ”största möjliga nytta”. Det är bara det att man lätt glömmer att Nobel avsåg nyttan för mänskligheten, inte för industrin. Det är långtifrån samma sak. Men i dagens argumentation blir kunskap liktydig med konkurrenskraft. Debatten som följt efter Astrazenecas besked att avveckla forskningsenheten i Södertälje är ett tydligt exempel på detta.

  • 18. Outshoorn, Joyce
    et al.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Dudová, Radka
    Prata, Ana
    Remaking Bodily Citizenship in Multicultural Europe: The Struggle for Autonomy and Self-Determination2012Ingår i: Remaking citizenship in multicultural Europe: women's movements, gender and diversity / [ed] Beatrice Halsaa, Sasha Roseneil & Sevil Sumer, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, s. 118-140Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the rise of the new wave of feminism in the 1960s, issues concerning the body have been at the heart of the challenge posed by women's movements. The female body has always been a contested site, subject to state policies regulating its procreative and sexual capacities, as well as its (in)violability. Violence against women was often condoned by state authorities as a family affair, and the control of women was generally delegated to private patriarchal authority. Women's bodies have been part of a broader imaginary about national vitality and served as markers of national belonging. They figure as 'materialization' of the imagined community of the nation and its borders (Yuval-Davis, 1998). Women's bodies were the cornerstone of their 'natural' otherness and exclusion from the rights of citizenship. It is, therefore, not surprising that women's movements across Europe (and elsewhere) had bodily integrity on the top of their agenda, leading to concrete demands on a whole range of body issues. The issue of bodily integrity lies at the core of the concept of bodily citizenship, which is concerned with guaranteeing that the individual is autonomous and free from external intervention in relation to decisions about her (or his) body.

    The classic formulation of citizenship rights has not included bodily or sexual rights; in feminist scholarship on citizenship the concept of bodily citizenship is also underdeveloped (e.g. in Phillips, 1991a; Siim and Squires, 2008). Our research could therefore not depart from a fully developed theoretical framework, though there was some previous work from which we could proceed.

  • 19.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Ingbrant, Renata
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Litteraturvetenskap.
    Maria Janion: A Tree Spreading Seads2011Ingår i: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308, Vol. 4, nr 4, s. 4-12Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 20.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Nu firar den nya polska ­feminismen triumfer2011Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447, nr 05.10Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 21.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    The Politics of Human Embryo Research in Poland2011Ingår i: Exploring Central and Eastern Europe’s Biotechnology Landscape / [ed] Robbins, Peter T. and Huzair, Farah, Dordrecht: Springer, 2011, s. 55-78Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In comparative surveys Poland is classified as a country where embryo research is prohibited. The starting point for this article is that such a classification is incorrect. It can be attributed to Poland’s fairly complex legal situation involving the concept of the “conceived child”, which has been the legal term for the embryo since the “war on abortion” in the 1990s and the lack of regulations concerning assisted reproductive technologies (ART). The aim of this study is to explain how the high moral and legal status of the embryo is compatible with the politics of non-decisions. The lack of regulations implies that Poland de facto functions as a country with a permissive policy design. In short, I argue that the abortion struggle has been decisive in forming the public sphere and established a hegemonic paradigm of “public morals,” thus hindering a policy-oriented discussion on bioethical dilemmas. This is compounded with a limited policy-making capacity, which makes it extremely difficult to decide on contentious issues and reinforces strategies of evading the issue altogether. This is particularly true within the biomedical policy field where specialized forms of expertise are required. An attempt to activate an “informed” discussion was made by the leftist government in 2004 enacting a so-called “societal consultation” on the use of human embryonic stem (ES) cells for research, which was triggered by Poland’s accession to the European Union. Although this consultation process was at least partly able to enhance communication between pro-lifers and research advocates, it was not able to find a compromise, which would make legislature more feasible.

  • 22.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    The Politization of Reproductive Technologies in Germany and Sweden: Panel 4: The impact of women´s movements on citizenship2011Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
  • 23.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Women's solidarity. The uprising of the Polish women's movement2011Ingår i: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308, Vol. 4, nr 4, s. 14-17Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 24.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Feminist concepts of bodily citizenship: a historical and comparative perspective: (PANEL) The body owner, the labourer and the victim citizen: citizenship and the female body in the age of biosciences2010Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to issues concerning bodily integrity (abortion, violence) reproductive technologies represent a topic,which has been highly controversial among feminist activists and scholars. Some regard it as an expansion of power over women´s bodies through medical expertise. Especially reprogenetics - the fusion of assisted reproductive technics and genetical knowlege - is percieved as a new form of biopower, where life itself is becoming objectified through instrumental sociotechnologies. Others welcome reproductive technologies as an extension of women´s  autonomy and right to choose, with regard to their bodies. As such reproductive technologies challenge the liberal notion of selfdetermination. Related to the classical integrity issues selfdetermination meant a "negativ" liberty right as freedom from various forms of coersion or force, when it comes to reproductive technologies, selfdetermination is linkd to a "claim right, namely to have a healthy baby. But can there be a right to have a healthy baby? Should it be an issue of state concern to satisfy the poeples yearning for children? In addition to such challenging question, reproductive technolgies profoundly destabilize central categories of the political and cultural order, on which feminist demands for bodily citizenship have rested. Drawing on sholarship from governmentality studies this paper aims to rethink the concept of  bodily citizenship.  I will discuss the fruitfullness of such an approach drawing on empirical research covering Sweden, Germany and Poland

  • 25.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Knowledge society and public accountability in Poland2010Ingår i: New Europe: Growth to Limits? / [ed] Sven Eliaeson & Nadezhda Georgieva, Oxford: Bardwell Press, 2010, s. 397-421Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 26.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Rethinking bodily citizenship in the era of reprogenetics. Insights from a comparative perspective2010Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
  • 27.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Ethical Governance and National Ethics Councils: Comparative Insights2009Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The language of ethics has become a conspicuous feature of the politics of biomedical research and practice. The last two decades have seen the creation of governmental ethical advisory commissions, administrative bodies charged with ethical decision-making, and public funding for studying the ethical implications of new technologies. This paper analyses the  role of national ethical counsils as advisory bodies in national ethopolitical regimes. This paper addresses the question  wether the instituitonalsization of ethical expertise in  ethics councils as advisory bodies contributes to a limitation of political conflict concerning the biomedical issues. The paper compares two national cases, namely Germany’s National Ethics Council with the Swedish National Council on Medical Ethics. Both countries represent contrasting cases of dominant ethical traditions and with regard to the time of emergence of such bodies. The Swedish council was a pioneer institution inaugurated in 1985, whereas Germany´s council  was a latecomer, established in 2001. This paper explores how such advisory institutions actually work from a double perspective. On the one hand, the paper examines the emergence and role of such bodies in political processes and thus how they have come to be understood as “political expertise”; on the other hand, the paper investigates the concrete working procedures of these councils and thus their modes of producing “ethical expertise”. Despite the differences the results of the study indicate similarities in the modes of producing “ethical expertise” and gives indicators, that such national ethics councils infact contributes to a depoliticization of biomedical issues.

  • 28.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Frihet, jämlikhet: Polska kvinnor tar upp den gamla kampen på nytt2009Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447, nr 26.05Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 29.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Rethinking bodily citizenship in the era of reprogenetics. Insights from a comparative perspective2009Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to issues concerning bodily integrity (abortion, violence) reproductive technologies represent a topic,which has been highly controversial among feminist activists and scholars. Some regard it as an expansion of power over women´s bodies through medical expertise. Especially reprogenetics - the fusion of assisted reproductive technics and genetical knowlege - is percieved as a new form of biopower, where life itself is becoming objectified through instrumental sociotechnologies. Others welcome reproductive technologies as an extension of women´s  autonomy and right to choose, with regard to their bodies. As such reproductive technologies challenge the liberal notion of selfdetermination. Related to the classical integrity issues selfdetermination meant a "negativ" liberty right as freedom from various forms of coersion or force, when it comes to reproductive technologies, selfdetermination is linkd to a "claim right, namely to have a healthy baby. But can there be a right to have a healthy baby? Should it be an issue of state concern to satisfy the poeples yearning for children? In addition to such challenging question, reproductive technolgies profoundly destabilize central categories of the political and cultural order, on which feminist demands for bodily citizenship have rested. Drawing on sholarship from governmentality studies this paper aims to rethink the concept of  bodily citizenship.  I will discuss the fruitfullness of such an approach drawing on empirical research covering Sweden, Germany and Poland.

  • 30.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Rethinking bodily citizenship in the era of reprogenetics. Insights from a comparative perspective2009Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In contrast to issues concerning bodily integrity (abortion, violence) reproductive technologies represent a topic,which has been highly controversial among feminist activists and scholars. Some regard it as an expansion of power over women´s bodies through medical expertise. Especially reprogenetics - the fusion of assisted reproductive technics and genetical knowlege - is percieved as a new form of biopower, where life itself is becoming objectified through instrumental sociotechnologies. Others welcome reproductive technologies as an extension of women´s  autonomy and right to choose, with regard to their bodies. As such reproductive technologies challenge the liberal notion of selfdetermination. Related to the classical integrity issues selfdetermination meant a "negativ" liberty right as freedom from various forms of coersion or force, when it comes to reproductive technologies, selfdetermination is linkd to a "claim right, namely to have a healthy baby. But can there be a right to have a healthy baby? Should it be an issue of state concern to satisfy the poeples yearning for children? In addition to such challenging question, reproductive technolgies profoundly destabilize central categories of the political and cultural order, on which feminist demands for bodily citizenship have rested. Drawing on sholarship from governmentality studies this paper aims to rethink the concept of  bodily citizenship.  I will discuss the fruitfullness of such an approach drawing on empirical research covering Sweden, Germany and Poland.

  • 31.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Science Policy and Public Accountability in Poland: The Case of Embryonic Stem Cell Research2009Ingår i: Science and Public Policy, ISSN 0302-3427, E-ISSN 1471-5430, Vol. 36, nr 6, s. 469-482Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines how exercises of public involvement in science policy, which have been transported to the new member states via EU regulations, function in post-socialist democracies. Given Poland's agonistic and non-transparent policy style, the public consultation process in the case of embryonic stem-cell research stands out as an exemplary model of ensuring public awareness and high-quality communication. When taking a closer look at the applied accountability criteria, however, the overall assessment becomes more critical. Still, an important result of this case study is that deliberative exercises based on face-to-face forums facilitate communication and contribute to mutual understanding even within highly polarized and antagonistic constellations. The findings of the case study suggest that exercises of public involvement need more precise institutional rules to have an impact on advancing public accountability in consolidating democracies.

  • 32.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Staking the Frame of a Feminist Discursive Institutionalism2009Ingår i: Politics & Gender, ISSN 1743-923X, E-ISSN 1743-9248, Vol. 5, nr 2, s. 262-271Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay proposes an integrated discursive institutionalism as a framework for feminist political analysis. Both historical institutionalism and discourse analysis have merits and limitations, and both perspectives complement each other and offer solutions to their respective deficiencies. Traditionally there has been a strong demarcation between the two perspectives. A common way to divide both approaches is between investigating “causal regularities” and “understanding meaning.” I argue that a feminist institutionalism needs to deconstruct the dichotomy of causal explanation versus meaning and description and to reformulate the concept of causality. There is no adequate explanation without “meaning,” and the stretching of institutionalism toward “ideas” exemplifies this inadequacy

  • 33.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Explaining Gender Regimes of Welfare State Formation: A Plea for Gendered Discursive Institutionalism2008Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Feminist scholars have provided us with an array of analytical perspectives on the comparative analysis of  welfare states. However despite the reachness of feminist scholarship in that field, it is also marked by a clear limitation. Feminist research focused, above all, on gender-specific contents and outputs of social policies. Much more widely neglected is the question of how country-specific differences may be explained, and whether gender contributed to the politics that created different welfare state regimes. There is one exeption however: scholars working within the tradition of historical institutionalism such as Theda Skocpol, Ann Orloff and Diane Sainsbury have made important efforts in order to explain the early formation of gendered welfare states.

    The aim of this paper is both theoretical and empirical. First it explores the contribution of gender sensitive historical institutionalism for the explanation of gendered welfare states regimes. In contrast to the way that this approach has frequently been understood, I do not see institutionalism’s major contribution simply as adding on a new set of variables – the variables of state capacity and structure – as it suggested within the policy analysis aproach launched by Amy Mazur und Dorothy Stetson. Rather, the central new insight that institutionalism imparts to comparative politics comes from its reflexive perspective on  the political. This goes hand in hand with a concept of configurative causation acknowledging that political developments are contextual, relational, and process-oriented. A critical review of feminist historical institutionalism reveals one important limitation of its conceptual framwork however as it reduces “gender” to “women”,  to be more precise: to the impact of women´s movements on welfare state formation. I regard this reductionsm as the last vestige of determinism. Within institutionalism, to be sure, collective identities constitute an important point of reference, but since the processes of identity formation as such are not theorized any further, the precise connections linking institutions and the ability to act remain vague. In order to overcome this reductionism I propose to broaden institutionalism’s framework by formulating an approach based on interweaving historical institutionalism with discursive analysis. Such an integrated approach enables to conceptualize gender as relational and a relevant analytical category, even if womens agency might be deemed an irrelvant explanatory factor in specific national contexts.

    The second aim of the paper is to demonstrate the fruitfulness of such an analytical approach in a comparative case study focusing on the emergence of gendered welfare state regime in Sweden and Germany. Sweden and Germany are ideal subjects for a comparative study of two countries. On the one hand, they present two similair cases of sociohistorical development. On the other hand, despite these similarities they produced quite different types of welfare states: Germany a conservative welfare state representing a strong male breadwinner and Sweden a social democratic, universalistic welfare state with a rather weak breadwinner model.

     

  • 34.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Institutionalization of Ethical Expertise: The  National Ethics Councils in Germany and Sweden2008Ingår i: Social Studies of Science, European Association For The Study Of Science And Technology: Book of Abstracts: Rotterdam 2008, 2008, s. 136-Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    There is a paradoxical development that characterizes the way modern societies deal with ethical problems. Issues concerning the good life are privatized and regarded as individual decisions. Simultaneously, there is a politicization of the ethical. The clearest expression may be the institutionalization of ethical expertise or public advisory bodies that act as consultants to political decision-makers. Public ethics bodies challenge conventional categorical ways of thinking about the distinctness of science, ethics and policy. Therefore, it is not surprising that this new type of institution is a contentious issue in both public and academic debates. The existing scholarly literature focusses largely on the relation between ethics advisory bodies and moral philosophy. This paper explores how such advisory institutions actually work from a double perspective. On the one hand, the paper examines the emergence and role of such bodies in political processes and thus how they have come to be understood as “political expertise”; on the other hand, the paper investigates the concrete working procedures of these councils and thus their modes of producing “ethical expertise”. The paper compares two national cases, namely Germany’s National Ethics Council with the Swedish National Council on Medical Ethics. Both countries represent contrasting cases of dominant ethical traditions and with regard to the time of emergence of such bodies. The Swedish council was a pioneer institution inaugurated in 1985, whereas Germany´s council  was a latecomer, established in 2001.  Despite the differences the results of the study indicate similarities in the modes of producing “ethical expertise” which in the longer run might lead to stronger convergence. For the most part, commission ethics proves to be a practical matter chiefly determined by pragmatism.

  • 35.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Mit Glück und Geschick2007Ingår i: TAZ Tageszeitung, ISSN 0941-1526, nr 8 März, s. 6-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [de]

    Warum gibt es in Schweden feministische Minister, während die Deutschen nichts von Emanzen wissen wollen? Die Schwedinnen waren schon in den Dreißigern berufstätig. Und der Staat war für die Frauen immer ein Partner. In Deutschland dagegen war er Obrigkeit, Nazistaat und dann Männerbund

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  • 36.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Von der Geschlechtsneutralität zum Kampf um Geschlechtermacht?: Zur Entstehung einer Feministischen Partei in Schweden2007Ingår i: Femina Politica, ISSN 1433-6359, E-ISSN 2196-1646, Vol. 17, nr 1, s. 9-22Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 37.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Eugenics and the Making of Universal Citizenship in Sweden: The Social Democratic State Revisited2006Ingår i: “Silence,Suffering,& Survival”: November 1-5, 2006, The Empire Landmark Hotel, Vancouvery British Columbia / [ed] Wenda Bauchspies & Penn State, 2006, s. 128-Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The multifarious paths to modernity correspond with the various dramatizations of national narratives.  Sweden’s development has been composed as a linear success story. As the story goes: since the 1930s when the Social Democrats came into power, they had managed to lead the deprived smallish nation at the outskirts of Europe from the darkness of the poor house into the light of a prosperous welfare state combining a maximum of social security and equality with economic growth. In comparative perspective the Swedish welfare state was not only seen as outstanding in terms of class justice, but also in terms of gender equality.  Some scholars have there deemed it to be a “women-friendly welfare state”.[i] However, regardless of the importance of such narratives for the formation of national identity, success stories inevitably also produce distortions and omissions. The dark side of Sweden’s success story became most painfully apparent at the latest in autumn 1997. An article about forced sterilizations in the “peoples’ home” (folkhem), published in the country’s largest daily newspaper not only set off a heated national debate but it also caused an international sensation.[ii] Contrary to what the media suggested, knowledge of these practices was not a “recent” discovery.[iii] The new and challenging aspect, however, was that publicist Maciej Zaremba no longer attributed the sterilization policy to the zeitgeist or deemed it as a regrettable—although in the greater narrative as a negligible—episode but rather as an integral part of Sweden’s social democratic reform project. Through addressing the dark side of] the Swedish welfare state he broke a taboo that formed the quintessential core of Swedish identity. International reactions added insult to injury by comparing these sterilizations to practices of Nazi Germany.[iv]

    The abundance of international attention, among other things, incited the Swedish government to install a commission to investigate the policies during that time and to draft a bill that would afford compensation to victims of forced sterilization. Compared to how victims of sterilization in other countries, particularly in Germany, [v] were dealt with, the Swedish investigative commission and compensation act were exemplary. Yet, for Swedish historians and social scientists it was no easy task to deal with these dark sides of modernity and statehood. A sense of loyalty toward the social democracy and the Swedish model has caused many scholars to oscillate—as some have self-critically admitted—between engaging in scholarship and ideology production.[vi] This might explain why outstanding feminist scholars such as Yvonne Hirdman, which has been a pioneer of a more critical stand on Swedes social and gender policies, has joined the chorus of the welfare state defenders in that debate. [vii]  The fact that Swedish politics have been highly successful in so many ways makes theories, which categorically establish the ambivalences of modernity and the welfare state, not exactly a Swedish specialty.

    The same could be said about international comparative research that presents the development of the welfare state as a continuous extension of social rights. The establishment of a social democratic regime with universal benefits based on citizenship is often regarded the ultima ratio of this development.  This is not so surprising, as the power resources approach promoted by Scandinavian social scientists Walter Korpi and Gösta Esping-Andersen decisively contributed to establishing the Nordic state’s model status. Viewing Sweden in terms of a success story is not necessarily problematic because of what it says, but because of what it leaves out.  None of the common national or comparative interpretations can account for how the Swedish social democratic model’s supposedly inclusive welfare state and its universalistic programs could have been compatible with measures that classified people as “inferior” and propagated selection and institutionalization of their own people as well as sterilization as solutions to social problems.

    This essay is committed to resolving this puzzle. It focuses on what, today, is subsumed under “family policies” and contains an analysis of the emergence of social benefits in the 1930s, which were geared toward subsidizing and encouraging child rearing, and were thus a forerunner of the universal child allowances introduced in Sweden in 1948. This case study will reveal that measures primarily aimed to meet the needs of women (as mothers)—and were therefore largely considered part of the “women-friendly” concept of social citizenship in Sweden— were actually characterized by an amalgamation of pro-natalism and anti-natalism. In effect, amalgamation meant that those classified as “inferior” or “unwanted” were barred from social benefits.

  • 38.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    A Regime of non-decisions: The Politics of human embryo research in Poland2005Ingår i: Panel: Managing Human Genetics: Regulatory Approaches towards Human Genetic Technologies, 2005Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 39.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Jenseits von Determinismus und Funktionalismus: Policyanalyse und vergleichende Geschlecherforschung2005Ingår i: Was bewirkt Gendermainstreaming? / [ed] Behning, Ute & Sauer, Birgit, Frankfurt am Main: Campus-Verlag , 2005, s. 103-116Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 40.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    Wohlfahrtsstaat und Geschlechterregime im internationalen Vergleich2005Övrigt (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 41.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    The Impact of the “Nordic Model” on Policy Discourse in (West)Germany2004Ingår i: Research on the Study of the Nordic Welfare State: Papers from the August 2003 Conference in Helsinki Renvall Institute / [ed] Jani Marjanen, Henrik Stenius and Jussi Vauhkonen, Helsinki: Renvall Institute , 2004Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 42.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, Genusvetenskap.
    The Politics of Stem Cells in Sweden: Explaining Liberal Regulations in the Social Democratic State2004Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
  • 43.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    ExpertInnen unter sich?: Geschlecht, Demokratie und Biotechnikpolitik in Schweden2003Ingår i: Österrreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, ISSN 1615-5548, Vol. 32, nr 2, s. 163-175Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [de]

    Schweden ist berühmt für seinen umfassenden Wohlfahrtsstaat und seine Gleichstellungspolitik. Es mag deshalb verwundern, dass es nicht nur zu den Vorreitern auf dem Gebiet der Biotechnologie zählt, sondern über besonders „liberale“ staatliche Regelungen verfügt. Verbrauchende Embryonenforschung ist erlaubt, ebenso die Präimplantationsdiagnostik. Dieser Artikel rekonstruiert zunächst die schwedische Rechtsentwicklung, untersucht dann im Kontext der Institutionen und Akteure, ob und wie Frauen an den Willensbildung- und Entscheidungsprozessen partizipierten und wendet sich abschließend den öffentlichen und politischen Diskursen zu. Dabei wird deutlich werden, dass Frauen zwar in hohem Maße an den politischen Prozessen beteiligt waren, dass sie jedoch keinen besonderen Standpunkt zur Biotechnologie vertreten. Sie teilen vielmehr den Beinahe-Konsensus, wonach Biotechnologien durch ihre guten Ziele, z.B. dem Leiden der Frauen/Eltern an „unfreiwilliger Kinderlosigkeit“ abzuhelfen, gerechtfertigt sind. Die Anwendung selektiver Praktiken, wie der Präimplantationsdiagnostik, wird als konsequente Fortsetzung der mit dem Abtreibungsrecht begründeten Selbstbestimmung aufgefasst.

  • 44. Abels, Gabriele
    et al.
    Braun, Kathrin
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Feministisch-politologische Perspektiven auf Biomedizinpolitik: Einleitung2003Ingår i: Österrreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, ISSN 1615-5548, Vol. 32, nr 2, s. 125-136Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [de]

    PolitologInnen sind in der gegenwärtigen kontroversen Debatte zur Biomedizinpolitik sowohl mit wissenschaftlichen Analysen als auch als ExpertInnen in einschlägigen Beratungsgremien erstaunlich abwesend. Dabei könnte die Politikwissenschaft mit ihren unterschiedlichen Teildisziplinen wichtige Beiträge zur Erforschung von Biomedizinpolitik leisten. Für das Fehlen kann ein Bündel von Faktoren identifiziert werden, von der Spezifik des Politikfeldes über methodologische und theoretische Orientierungen der Politikwissenschaft bis hin zu wissenschaftspolitischen Motiven. Ein zentraler Grund ist die Überschneidung dreier Themen- und Problemfelder, die im politikwissenschaftlichen Mainstream tendenziell als außerpolitisch gelten und/ oder in unzureichender Weise theoretisch erfasst sind: Körper, Ethik und Naturwissenschaften/ Technologie. Feministische Politikwissenschaft ist in verschiedener Hinsicht für die Analyse von Biomedizinpolitik besser gerüstet, da sie mit der Analyse von Körperpolitik und mit normativen Fragen Erfahrungen hat.' (Autorenreferat)

  • 45.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Gender Representations and the Politics of Biotechnology in Sweden: Eplaining liberal Regulations in a Social Democratic State2003Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    What makes Sweden especially relevant for this case study? At first, Sweden appears to have quite a puzzling policy pattern indeed. As a social democratic regime with an extensive statist governance system, Sweden stands out in its biomedical policy through remarkably liberal, lenient regulations which, in European comparison, are closest to those of Great Britain. Sweden's legislation allows for the use of so-called "spare" human embryos, resulting from IVF procedures, for research purpose, pre-implantation diagnosis, and egg donation. This country also has a considerable amount of embryonic stem cell lines at its disposal and has recently initiated an entire research program involving their use. Furthermore, legislative processes have been initiated, which could legalize the creation of – instead of the use of "spare" – human embryos for research purposes and so-called therapeutic cloning.  This policy-making process provoked only a moderate deal of controversy. Parliamentary resolutions concerning the issue were backed by a broad consensus among all parties in Parliament. To say the least, the politicization of biomedical issues has been quite limited. This corresponds well to the virtual lack of noticeable  mobilization of extra-parliamentary  groups.

    Throughout the course of this essay I will de-riddle the puzzling features of Sweden's biopolitics through presenting the juncture between institutionalist and discursive approaches. In short, I argue that the Swedish model is based on a productivist paradigm, the institutional and discursive parameters of which have not been decisively extended through its "new politics." In this way, elitist policy-making structures within environmental and technology policies have remained intact. Ironically, this relative openness, which enabled the rapid integration of new issues and political actors, was what led to the blockage of extensive participatory rights (as a counter-concept to the elitist policy style) and hindered the development of oppositional public spaces and forms of knowledge. Sweden's heritage of utilitarian ethics and pragmatic legal tradition and its assertions make it even more difficult for leftist or feminist to formulate a critical stance. Therefore, the only anti-embryo research position taken in the political arena was by the Christian Democratic Party.

    I will start providing an overview of policy regulations, then analyze the peculiar relation between the social democratic state, and the so-called new politics. I will then examine the institutions and actors in the biomedical policy field, and finally reconstruct the lines of argumentation within policy discourse.

     

  • 46.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Gender Representations and the Politics of Biotechnology in Sweden: Explaining Liberal Regulation in a Social Democratic State2003Ingår i: Panel: Gendering analysis: Theoretical lessons learned from body politics, 2003Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 47.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Abels, GabrieleBraun, Katrin
    Geschlecht und Biomedizinpolitik. Vergleichende Perspektiven.2003Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [de]

    PolitologInnen sind in der gegenwärtigen kontroversen Debatte zur Biomedizinpolitik sowohl mit wissenschaftlichen Analysen als auch als ExpertInnen in einschlägigen Beratungsgremien erstaunlich abwesend. Dabei könnte die Politikwissenschaft mit ihren unterschiedlichen Teildisziplinen wichtige Beiträge zur Erforschung von Biomedizinpolitik leisten. Für das Fehlen kann ein Bündel von Faktoren identifiziert werden, von der Spezifik des Politikfeldes über methodologische und theoretische Orientierungen der Politikwissenschaft bis hin zu wissenschaftspolitischen Motiven. Ein zentraler Grund ist die Überschneidung dreier Themen- und Problemfelder, die im politikwissenschaftlichen Mainstream tendenziell als außerpolitisch gelten und/oder in unzureichender Weise theoretisch erfasst sind: Körper, Ethik und Naturwissenschaften/Technologie. Feministische Politikwissenschaft ist in verschiedener Hinsicht für die Analyse von Biomedizinpolitik besser gerüstet, da sie mit der Analyse von Körperpolitik und mit normativen Fragen Erfahrungen hat.

  • 48.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Frauenrechte oder Männerlasten: Kinderzulagen in Schweden und Deutschland vor 19332002Ingår i: Bevölkerungslehre und Bevölkerungspolitik vor 1933 / [ed] R. Mackensen, Opladen: Vs Verlag , 2002, s. 215-226Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 49.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Maskulinismus und die Entstehung des Wohlfahrtsstaates in Schweden und Deutschland2001Ingår i: EU, Geschlecht, Staat / [ed] Kreisky, Eva, Lang, Sabine & Sauer, Birgit, Wien: WUV , 2001, s. 137-154Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 50.
    Kulawik, Teresa
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 3, Genusvetenskap.
    Die Grenzen des Maternalismus: Der Kampf um eine Mutterschaftsversicherung in Schweden und Deutschland2000Ingår i: Feministische Studien, ISSN 0723-5186, nr 1, s. 97-110Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
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