BACKGROUND Divorce is associated with a weakened relationship between the child and the nonresident parent, usually the father. This loss of contact is likely to be even further exacerbated if this parent lives at a substantial distance from the child. OBJECTIVE This paper analyzes how the distance between children and nonresident parents, the year after a parental separation, has changed during a 40-year period in Sweden, and whether this is related to changes in child custody policies. METHODS We use Swedish population register data that includes exact geographical coordinates for children and their nonresident parents in the year after separation. We analyze how average distance and the likelihood of living very close to, or very far from, a nonresident parent has changed over this period, using OLS and logistic regression models. RESULTS Results show a gradual decrease in the distance between children and nonresident parents from the 1970s until the early 1990s, after which the trend stalled at a low level. In 2011, 50% of all children lived within 2 kilometers of their nonresident parent. We find no evidence of direct policy effects, indicated by any sudden changes in distance after the introduction of a new custody policy. High-income parents have changed their post -divorce residential patterns at a faster pace than low-income parents. CONCLUSIONS Our results indicate a diffusion process where distances between children and nonresident parents gradually decreased until the 1990s. CONTRIBUTION This paper demonstrates that the change has not been directly influenced by custody law reforms promoting dual parent responsibility.

In this chapter, we identify structural features of families with shared physical custody that differ from those of nuclear families or those of families where one parent has sole physical custody, and discuss the implications for family and kin relationships. We pay particular attention to the ways in which shared physical custody alters the gendered nature of parenting and kinship. We argue that the structural features of shared physical custody create distinct contexts for parent-child and sibling relationships and produce differences in shared understandings of obligations between family members. The unique context for relationships and obligations together constitute a new family form. Our analysis generates an agenda for future research on the nature and consequences of shared physical custody.

OBJECTIVES: An increasing number of children and adolescents divide their time between their separated parents' homes. Although marital conflict is disadvantageous for children's sleep, little is known about how children of separated parents sleep. The objective was to investigate the association between children's custody arrangements and sleep habits and sleep initiation difficulties.

DESIGN: Cross sectional nationally representative samples of adolescents from the WHO study Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) (n = 11,802).

SETTING: Sweden in 2013/2014 and 2017/2018.

PARTICIPANTS: Adolescents in grades 5, 7, and 9 from Swedish compulsory comprehensive school.

MEASUREMENTS: The survey included questions on sleep behaviors including bedtime, wake-up time and frequency of sleep onset problems. The analysis methods used were ordinary least squares and logistic regression.

RESULTS: The results show differences by custody arrangement, but they are not uniform across the dependent variables. Children and adolescents in sole maternal custody were less likely to sleep as much as recommended (P < .001), more likely to have late bedtimes (P < .001), report sleep initiation difficulties (P < .01) and to report social jetlag between school mornings and weekends (P < .05) compared to those in 2-parent families. Shared physical custody was associated with a higher likelihood of late bedtimes (P < .05) and sleep initiation difficulties (P < .05) compared to those in 2-parent families, but not of sleeping less than recommended or reporting social jetlag. Less-than-equal sharing was generally associated with worse sleep than in 2-parent families.

CONCLUSIONS: As custody arrangements seem to be associated with sleep, it is important to understand the mechanisms behind the findings.

This study contributes to the emerging literature on the diffusion of SPC across social strata, by comparing two national contexts, Sweden and Spain, with different prevalence rates of SPC and with diverging social and gender policies in the early XXI century. We draw on the 2006 and 2014 comparative cross-sectional data from the Spanish and Swedish Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children (HBSC), to test two competitive hypotheses (diffusion and diverging destinies hypotheses) on the association of parental socioeconomic status, children’s living arrangements in separated families and their relative prevalence in a populaiton. We also examine whether such association is modified by the great increase in SPC in both countries between 2006 and 2014. We present empirical evidence that, independently from the context, SPC arrangements are more frequent among parents with higher socioeconomic status and sole-custody arrangements among other parents; however, social inequality in post-separation arrangements differ in the two countries over time. In Spain, we find evidence in favour of the diffusion hypothesis with increases in the prevalence of SPC going hand in hand with the diffusion of SPC across social strata. By contrast, the Swedish data support the diverging destinies hypothesis with increases in SPC producing no variation in its social stratification over time.