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  • 1.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Citizenship Education: Ideology or System? A Critical View on Civic Educational Policy Thinking2019Ingår i: Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity / [ed] José A. Pineda-Alfonso, Nicolás De Alba-Fernández & Elisa Navarro-Medina, Hershey, PA: IGI Global, 2019, s. 431-446Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this chapter is to investigate salient approaches to citizenship and civic-normative educationin liberal democratic life. The chapter argues that core technocratic assumptions about clarity,linearity, and predictability feeding into civic-educational deployment and change warrant critical attention.The chapter aims to shed new light on states’ instinct to regard themselves and their value setsas seamless conceptual wholes. A range of ramifications of this typical approach are interrogated, inprinciple as well as in relation to Swedish civic-educational matrices. The chapter refines a heuristicmodel for unpacking citizenship and civic-normative education thinking in liberal democracy originallypresented in an earlier work by the author. It is concluded that even as the enormous policy efforts thatgo into organizing and revamping public civic-normative education in response to new societal challengeshave little chance of meeting governments’ intentions; they may still be important since they areexerted in highly visible public spaces and domains.

  • 2.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Reischl, Gunilla
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Worlds apart, worlds together: Converging and diverging frames in climate and energy governance2019Ingår i: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 16, nr 1, s. 67-82Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper argues that past research has overlooked how the way problems and solutions are framed contribute to a prevailing gap in the global governance of climate and energy. Empirically, this paper investigates the frames of energy and climate change as expressed in key documents from the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and International Energy Agency (IEA). Partly in contrast to past research, this paper finds (1) that there is a growing similarity in how the IPCC and IEA frame climate and energy; (2) that the IEA has gone from ignoring to acknowledging climate change and the transformation to a low-carbon energy system; and (3) that there is a prevailing difference in emphasis, whereas the IPCC only marginally discuss energy, while the IEA is still mainly talking about energy needs and fossil fuels even if climate change and renewables have entered their agenda.

  • 3.
    Gherghina, S.
    et al.
    University of Glasgow, Glasgow, United Kingdom.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Podolian, Olena
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Democratic innovations in Central and Eastern Europe: expanding the research agenda2019Ingår i: Contemporary Politics, ISSN 1356-9775, E-ISSN 1469-3631, Vol. 25, nr 1, s. 1-10Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Democratic innovations have recently gained momentum throughout the world. An increasing number of such practices takes place and coincides with a visible grow in the number of analyses focusing on the forms, functioning and effects of democratic innovations. In spite of these developments, a great deal of research on democratic innovations have largely neglected Central and Eastern Europe. This special issue of Contemporary Politics adds to the existing literature on democratic innovations by focusing on such attempts to deepen citizen participation in the political decision-making process in Central and Eastern Europe. Its attempt to expand the research agenda relies on new empirical evidence relative to three major forms of democratic innovations (direct democracy, deliberative democracy and citizens’ involvement with the aid of ICTs).

  • 4.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Nygren, GunnarSödertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Journalistik.
    Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries2019Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This book explores the interplay between government and media drawing on unique evidence from, and in-depth analysis of, four national cases: Finland, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden. Based on the chapters dedicated to each country, five additional chapters address the following cross-national themes: government communication, social media, formality/informality in journalist-source relations, mediatisation of politics, and political communication culture.

    The book reveals what really goes on between the political executive and the media in everyday practices within these countries. First, it uncovers a process of mediated political-cultural change within media-political systems. Second, it illustrates the work- ings of prime ministerial power and communication aides at this apex of political power and the media and those who work there. Third, it examines both the struggle within governing institutions to control the flow of information and the tensions between civil servants and political aides, and takes the reader through the four media-political con- texts rooted in a deep knowledge of these relationships.

    The result is an illuminating and original analysis of politics, political communication, media and journalism, and offers greater understanding of the realities of government – and democracy – and media in practice as well as the role of media within contemporary politics.

  • 5.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Malling, Milda
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Journalistik.
    Nygren, Gunnar
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Journalistik.
    Sweden: A professionally symbiotic relationship2019Ingår i: Close and Distant: Political Executive–Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, s. 97-123Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter explores political executive-media relations in Sweden, with a particular focus on professional day-to-day relationships and habits. The analysis is mainly based on extensive interviews with journalists and government press secretaries, and it establishes the routinisation at work, as well as the professionalisation. The exchanges between journalists and their sources appear to be close but with recognition of each other’s professional roles. Media developments influence the relationship, and the downsizing of newsrooms, multi-platform production 24/7 and increased competition for unique news have made journalists more dependent on available sources. At the same time, professionalisation of government communication makes news management more efficient and has centralising effects on executive systems. Together these trends shift the balance between journalists and their political sources in favour of the latter. The presented findings have important implications for research on journalism, media and political executives.

  • 6.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Nygren, Gunnar
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Journalistik.
    The interplay of media and the political executive: Introduction and framework2019Ingår i: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, s. 9-26Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 7.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Nygren, Gunnar
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Journalistik.
    Locked in a mutual dependency: Media and the political executive in close interplay2019Ingår i: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, s. 247-259Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 8.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Raunio, Tapio
    Tampere University, Finland.
    Government communication in a comparative perspective2019Ingår i: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, s. 127-148Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter hypothesises that there is a trend of centralisation in government communication – a move upwards in the political executive towards central coordination and control. We test this argument empirically through an inventory of elite interview evidence and a four-country comparison including two case studies – Finland and Sweden – as well as two case illustrations – Lithuania and Poland. Based on, altogether, over 80 interviews with political journalists and political/media advisors or press secretaries in the four countries, the chapter analyses how government communication is structured. The cases of Finland and Sweden offer support for the centralisation hypothesis while those of Lithuania and Poland point out its limitations. We thus conclude that the extent to which government communication is centralised varies across contexts and that the variation is patterned.

  • 9.
    Bolin, Niklas
    et al.
    Mittuniversitet.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Centrum för studier av politikens organisering.
    The Price of Power: The Greens in the 2018 Swedish Parliamentary Election2019Ingår i: Environmental Politics, ISSN 0964-4016, E-ISSN 1743-8934, Vol. 28, nr 3, s. 568-573Artikel, forskningsöversikt (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 10.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Raunio, Tapio
    Tampere University, Finland.
    Political Parties in the European Union2019Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedias of Politics / [ed] William R. Thomson, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Media often portrays European Union (EU) decision-making as a battleground for national governments that defend the interests of their member states. Yet even the most powerful individuals, such as the German chancellor, the French president, or the Commission president, are party politicians. At the same time the consistent empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) means that the party groups of European-level “Europarties”—political parties at European level—are in a key position to shape EU legislation. The Parliament has also become more directly involved in the appointment of the Commission, with the results of EP elections thus influencing the composition of the Commission.

    Examining the “partyness” of European integration, this article argues that scholarly understanding of the role of parties in the EU political system has taken great strides forward since the turn of the millennium. This applies especially to the EP party groups, with research focusing particularly on voting patterns in the plenary. This body of work has become considerably more sophisticated and detailed over the years; it shows that the main EP groups do achieve even surprisingly high levels of cohesion and that the left–right dimension is the primary axis of contestation in the chamber. It nonetheless also emphasizes the continuing relevance of national parties that control candidate selection in EP elections. Considering that most votes in the Parliament are based on cooperation between the two largest groups, the center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the center-left Party of the European Socialists (PES), future research should analyze in more detail how these groups build compromises.

    Actual Europarties, however, remain relatively unexplored. Case studies of treaty reforms or particular policy sectors reveal how individual Europarties have often wielded decisive influence on key integration decisions or key appointments to EU institutions. The Europarty meetings held in conjunction with European Council summits are particularly important in this respect. The regular, day-to-day activities of Europarties deserve more attention, both regarding decision-making and vertical links between national parties and their Europarties. Overall, it is probably more accurate to characterize Europarties as networks of like-minded national parties or as loose federations of member parties, especially when compared with the often centralized and strongly disciplined parties found in the member states.

  • 11.
    Demirel, Cagla
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Competitive victimhood and reconciliation: the case of Turkish–Armenian relations2019Ingår i: Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, ISSN 1070-289X, E-ISSN 1547-3384Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper argues that conflicts tend to be intractable if collective victimhood has become a component of national identity, and when conflicting communities claim to be the ‘real’ or ‘only’ victims, and that their suffering justifies crimes past and present. Turkish and Armenian narratives of competitive victimhood are analysed drawing on public opinion polls from Turkey and Armenia, and personal interviews with Turks and Armenians. The study corroborates past theory and research that competitive victimhood prevents reconciliation, particularly if it has become an essential part of national identity. The paper also shows that Turkish–Armenian relations remain at the bottom stage of the reconciliation ladder. Yet, some of our empirical observations suggest that when grass-roots level interaction between Turks and Armenians is facilitated (which has been prevented not least because of the closed border), there is room for the abandonment of competitive victimhood at least on an interpersonal level, if not on a general societal or political level. 

  • 12.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Sweden - Small State, Middle Power or Moral Superpower?2019Ingår i: Middle Powers / [ed] Giampiero Giacomello and Bertjan Verbeek, London: Lexington Books, 2019Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 13.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Weinryb, Noomi
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Förvaltningsakademin.
    Organizing service delivery on social mediaplatforms?: Loosely organized networks, co-optation, and the welfare state2019Ingår i: Public Management Review, ISSN 1471-9037, E-ISSN 1471-9045Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Recent crisis situations have witnessed a growing number of loosely organised networks (LONs) that deliver welfare services and employ social media platforms to coordinate their actions. Focusing on the 2015 ‘refugee crisis’ in Sweden, we explore the role of LONs in Swedish resilience policy. In the absence of standardised heuristics characteristic of established organizations, the LONs refer to social media for generating a common stance on the policy problem and their relation to the state. The study indicates challenges in governing LONs, showing that although a LON may become co-opted by the state, this co-optation may lead to its demise.

  • 14.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Centrum för studier av politikens organisering.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mid Sweden University.
    A party system in flux: the Swedish parliamentary election of September 20182019Ingår i: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 42, nr 7, s. 1504-1515Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In the Swedish parliamentary election of 7 September 2018, the biggest parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderates, both lost votes compared to their scores in the previous election, but not as many as they had feared. Commensurately, the radical-right challenger party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), which had seemed certain to profit from Sweden's dramatic experience of the European migration crisis, did well, but not as well as it had hoped. The result left the array of parliamentary forces fragmented and finely balanced. Only after months of negotiations could a government be formed. Eventually, the incumbent coalition received a renewed parliamentary mandate. At the same time, the party system was transformed.

  • 15.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Nio politiska begrepp: ideologi, språk och begreppsanalys2019Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Begrepp är centrala i allt politiskt tänkande och handlande: begrepp formar politiska program och dagordningar, men också maktförhållanden och världsbilder. Det går inte att förstå en politisk idéströmning om man inte tar hänsyn till de uttolkningar av begrepp som individgemenskapautonomi eller kultur som strömningen omfattar – men uttolkningarna skiftar från en ideologisk tradition till en annan.

    I denna bok utvecklas en modell för att förstå politisk-normativ begrepps­­bildning och här analyseras nio av de mest framträdande politiska begreppen. I anslutning till analysen diskuteras också villkoren för god kunskapsbildning i en tid som präglas av post-sanning, val­manipulation, sociala mediebubblor, elitförakt och politisk kunskaps­resistens. I ett utförligt appendix presenteras slutligen ett antal centrala västerländska ideologiska traditioner på ett överskådligt vis.

  • 16.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Brandell, Inga
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Politics and Talk: the Final Debate in the 2018 Swedish Elections2019Ingår i: Words, Bodies, Memory: A Festschrift in honor of Irina Sandomirskaja / [ed] Lars Kleberg; Tora Lane; Marcia Sá Cavalcante Shuback, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2019, s. 415-427Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 17.
    Edenborg, Emil
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES). Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Has the Baltic Sea become a frontier in a global conflict over sexuality?2018Ingår i: Baltic Rim Economies, ISSN 1459-9759, nr 1, s. 46-47Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 18.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Weinryb, Noomi
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Förvaltningsakademin.
    The Democratic Challenges Of Philanthropy In Sweden2018Övrigt (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 19.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Disciplinarity and normative education2018Ingår i: Educational Philosophy and Theory, ISSN 0013-1857, E-ISSN 1469-5812, Vol. 50, nr 3, s. 254-269Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Drawing on recent interdisciplinary, multidimensional research on civic and religious education in northern Europe, this article explores disciplinary epistemological economies in an era of mounting discontent with the narrowness of mono-disciplinary analyses of complex social and educational issues. It is argued in the article that under conditions of sufficient world complexity, interdisciplinarity provides for a more cogent scholarly approach to educational structures and phenomena than either of the logics of mono-, multi- and transdisciplinarity—the main extant alternatives. It is shown in both conceptual and empirical terms that these alternatives cannot accommodate social and educational diversity, complexity and sprawl other than thinly, hence should mainly be endorsed by universities and research funders for other than epistemological reasons or when there is agreement that the object subjected to analysis is correspondingly thin and isolated. As education in and of itself is a remarkably complex social phenomenon and field of study, it is concluded that interdisciplinary environments may typically be expected to provide a stronger potential for assessing and understanding it.

  • 20.
    Tarasova, Ekaterina
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    (Non-) Alternative energy transitions: Examining neoliberal rationality in official nuclear energy discourses of Russia and Poland2018Ingår i: Energy Research & Social Science, ISSN 2214-6296, E-ISSN 2214-6326, Vol. 41, s. 128-135Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract Neoliberal trends are a part of the sociopolitical contexts that shape present-day energy transitions. Economic arguments extensively used in nuclear energy discourses regarding the Nuclear Renaissance period may indicate that neoliberal trends have penetrated discussions about energy transitions. This article examines the presence of neoliberal rationality in the official nuclear energy discourses coming from Russia and Poland. These countries are interesting in respect to their relatively recent changes towards a market economy. Neoliberal rationality is defined in the article as the combination of market rationality, limited role of state, political consensus, governance structures and securitization, following Foucault and Brown. Discourse analysis of the energy policies and speeches of politicians that contain statements about nuclear energy development is carried out. The analysis confirms the significant presence of these themes in nuclear energy discourses as well as discourses reflecting the specificities of the two countries. The combination of the defining features of neoliberal rationality in official nuclear energy discourses seem to leave limited space for challenging nuclear energy development and discussing alternative energy transitions.

  • 21.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Behovet av psykologi i statsvetenskaplig analys: Palme i centrum2018Ingår i: Det gränslösa samtalet: vänbok till Magnus Jerneck / [ed] Björn Badersten, Jakob Gustavsson & Maria Strömvik, Lund: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift , 2018, s. 163-170Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 22.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    The Asymmetrical Appropriation of Culture in Politics2018Ingår i: Journal of Conflict and Integration, ISSN 2586-0836, Vol. 2, nr 1, s. 8-37Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article hinges on the notion that the location of the term ‘culture’ in political discourse and debate remains under-theorised, particularly regarding its covariation with political recognition. It is shown that arguments for culturally motivated justice, recognition, or redress of past wrongs may be expected only by marginalised groups, not by states or other powerful political agents –since these are not framed as cultural in the first place. This suggests that to become more powerful in modern politics one normally must become less cultural. The article ultimately aims to unpack this implicit logic of modern liberal democratic reasoning on culture.

  • 23.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy
    et al.
    Royal Institute of Technology / Swedish Defence University.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    The Invisible Hand? Critical Information Infrastructures, Commercialisation and National Security2018Ingår i: The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs, ISSN 0393-2729, E-ISSN 1751-9721, Vol. 53, nr 2, s. 124-140Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Corporatisation of critical information infrastructure (CII) is rooted in the ‘privatisation wave’ of the 1980s-90s, when ground was laid for outsourcing public utilities. Despite well-known risks relating to reliability, resilience, and accountability, commitment to efficiency imperatives have driven governments to outsource key public services and infrastructures. A recent illustrative case with enormous implications is the 2017 Swedish ICT scandal, where outsourcing of CII caused major security breaches. With the transfer of the Swedish Transport Agency’s ICT system to IBM and subcontractors, classified data and protected identities were made accessible to non-vetted foreign private employees – the sensitive data could thus now be anywhere. This case clearly demonstrates accountability gaps that can arise in public-private governance of CII.

  • 24.
    Mangold, Marcel
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Securing the working democracy: Inventive arrangements to guarantee circulation and the emergence of democracy policy2018Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In the 1990s, Swedish democracy's ability to remain strong and renew itself became increasingly questioned in government commission reports and social-scientific writings. The perceptions of the financial crisis in 1992–1994, new identities, immigration and changes in participation in civic associations and organizations were listed as challenges to democracy. Together, they helped constitute an understanding of an emerging gap between the population and existing representative democratic forms. In response, the 1990s and the first decade of the 2000s saw the emergence of several discourses, political initiatives and scientific contributions that articulated and responded to the need to secure a “working democracy”. By analyzing theoretically the arrangements of elements in policy and in attempts to shape the population's habits, dispositions and behavior, this thesis illuminates the role of aesthetics in the knowledge and power effects of these efforts. Methodologically, the thesis draws on Michel Foucault's genealogical approach in four empirical chapters. In doing so, the thesis displays why, when and how the efforts to secure a working democracy emerged, and analyzes the politics inherent to them. The chapters consist, first, of a study of the birth and changes in “democracy policy” as a distinct political domain; second, a mapping of the emergence of the discourse and dispositif of “valuefoundation”; third, a mapping of the discourse on exclusion and the discourse on and apparatus to combat “violence-promoting extremism”, and, finally, a mapping of inventive approaches in survey research that articulated how to secure a working democracy. This mapping exposes a vision of democratic dis-involvement and how to contain it infused by risk-management, benchmarking and a monitoring of changes in the population. Taken together, the chapters demonstrate the emergence of a complex network of power relations and knowledge used to achieve congruence between the population and governmental aims. This, the thesis underscores, marginalizes the role of dissent and interruptions in democratic life, to instead equate democracy with a system of congruence, smooth interactions and overall alignment to demands on circulation.

  • 25.
    Åberg, Pelle
    et al.
    Ersta Sköndal University College.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Rodin, Johnny
    Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    What should a Russian father be like?: Exploring fatherhood norms and identifying norm patterns among inhabitants of Saint Petersburg2018Ingår i: International Political Science Review, ISSN 0192-5121, E-ISSN 1460-373X, nr 4, s. 487-502Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Based on data from a survey conducted in Saint Petersburg in 2013, this article sheds new light on attitudes towards fatherhood in contemporary Russia. We explore what norms are held concerning fatherhood, how these attitudes are related to age, sex, education and income as well as to ideal?typical models established in previous research on fatherhood from Western Europe and the US. Thus, the article also discusses what explanatory value established theoretical models have for the Russian context. Norms of the role of the father in the family are related to general norms of masculinity and, hence, are an important part of the study of politics and the political climate in a society. The results show that there are several fatherhood ideals present in contemporary Northwestern Russia: a traditional breadwinner model, an active fatherhood model as well as what we refer to as a marginalized fatherhood model. The latter has not been substantially identified in previous research, and may tentatively be identified as a legacy of the Soviet era.

  • 26.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Epistocracy and Democratic Participation in a Post-Truth World2018Ingår i: Democratic Theory, ISSN 2332-8894, Vol. 5, nr 1, s. 1-17Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates civic-political and cognitive participation as they play out in democratic theory. Its core purpose is to develop a conceptual-normative critique of the presupposition in liberal democratic theory that these logics are mutually reinforcing and complementary. This misunderstanding of a theoretical ambivalence contributes to inhibiting constructive assessment of epistocratic*technocratic frameworks of democratic interpretation and theory. I demonstrate that these logics circulate contrasting views of democratic power and legitimacy and should be disentangled to make sense of liberal democratic theoretical and political spaces. This critique is then fed into a political-epistemological interrogation of post-truth and alt-facts rhetorical registers in contemporary liberal democratic life, concluding that neither logic of participation can harbor this unanticipated and fundamentally nonaligned way of doing liberal democratic democracy.

  • 27.
    Svenonius, Ola
    et al.
    Stockholm Univeristy.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Explaining attitudes to secret surveillance in post-communist societies2018Ingår i: East European Politics, ISSN 2159-9165, E-ISSN 2159-9173, Vol. 34, nr 2, s. 123-151Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article seeks to explain public attitudes to secret surveillance. Secret surveillance, for example wiretapping by intelligence agencies, is a controversial activity that affects fundamental civil liberties in any democratic system. Several large research projects have recently attempted to explain how people form opinions about surveillance in general. Thereby privacy concerns and institutional trust are often highlighted. In this article, we argue that earlier research uses a too narrow definition of attitudes to surveillance and that secret surveillance is particularly sensitive due to its opaque character. We introduce a two-dimensional concept that focuses on rationalistic and emotional responses to surveillance. Drawing on new data from three post-communist societies – Estonia, Poland, and Serbia – we show how institutional trust is mainly responsible for explaining acceptance of secret surveillance, but not how one feels about it. Instead, it is the level of ontological insecurity and privacy concerns that explains this second dimension. The results are theorised and implications for future research are discussed. © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

  • 28.
    Edenborg, Emil
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Homophobia as Geopolitics: ‘Traditional Values’ and the Negotiation of Russia’s Place in the World2018Ingår i: Gendering Nationalism: Intersections of Nation, Gender and Sexuality / [ed] Mulholland, Jon; Montagna, Nicola; Sanders-McDonagh, Erin, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, s. 67-87Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 29.
    Pettersson, Johanna
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    What’s in a Line?: Making Sovereignty through Border Policy2018Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The role of borders as dividers between states and markers of territorial sovereignty is central to modern statehood. Whereas the voluntary opening of a state border could therefore appear puzzling, this thesis argues that state sovereignty can be manifested either when states allow borders to become more open or more closed. To understand the relation between borders and sovereignty, the empirical focus of this study is the opening of the border between Norway and Russia through the introduction of a local border traffic permit. The sovereignty ideas attached to this border policy are analysed at two different levels: the policy making discourse at the national level and the policy-receiving context at the local level in the municipality next to the border. The empirical study draws on written material – including parliamentary debate transcripts, policy documents, and printed press – to analyse how the border policy was represented in the Norwegian public discourse in the years leading up to its implementation in 2012. The study demonstrates that the opening of the border through local visa freedom was not associated with a loss of sovereignty. At the central level, the introduction of local visa freedom was seen as a means to strengthen the economy in the border region, and to increase exchanges across the border. The expectation is that by improving local cross-border relations, the policy will strengthen Norway’s relations with Russia by securing incentives for friendly bilateral relations. In the local discourse, the main theme concerned expectations on what this border policy would mean for the growth of the local economy. Because the policy is expected to strengthen Norway’s internal cohesion and improve bilateral relations with Russia, the border policy change is seen to reproduce (rather than weaken) Norway’s territorial sovereignty. This conclusion is based on the fact that different dimensions of sovereignty are seen as mutually reinforcing and that centre and periphery are in agreement about the benefits of a more open border. The thesis concludes that we should see policies towards borders as a way to manifest and reproduce state sovereignty.

  • 30.
    Edenborg, Emil
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES). Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Saving women and bordering Europe: narratives of “Migrants’ Sexual Violence” and geopolitical imaginaries in Russia and Sweden2018Ingår i: Geopolitics, ISSN 1465-0045, E-ISSN 1557-3028Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article maps the specific ways in which gendered and racialized boundary constructs create conditions of possibility for certain bordering practices. Connecting Critical Border Studies with feminist theories of geopolitics, it examines media reporting in Russia and Sweden about “migrants‘ sexual violence” in the wake of the 2015 New Years‘ events in Cologne. Despite contextual differences, in both countries these events were narrated as symbolic in negotiating Europe and its borders. In Russia, the events were connected to a story of a Russian girl in Berlin being raped by migrants (a story later revealed to be fabricated) and a narrative of Europe collapsing because of immigration. In Sweden, the events were connected to reports of sexual violence at festivals, sparking a debate about “Swedish values” of gender equality being endangered by immigration. The article argues, firstly, that narratives of migrants‘ sexual violence performed bordering functions in both the symbolic sense of delineating national identity and Europeanness, and the concrete sense of legitimating a stricter border regime. Secondly, it argues that the narratives performed that function only by tapping into local geopolitical narratives, in the Russian case on the country‘s ambivalent relation to Europe, and in Sweden the idea of gender exceptionalism.

  • 31.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Weinryb, Noomi
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Förvaltningsakademin.
    Social Media and Emerging Forms of Social organization2018Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 32.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Taiteilijoiden pannuhuoneessa (At the artists' boiler room)2018Ingår i: Finnish Review of East European Studies, ISSN 1237-6051, Vol. 25, nr 1, s. 78-83Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 33.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Statsministern och medierna2018Ingår i: Snabbtänkt: Reflektioner från valet 2018 av ledande forskare / [ed] Lars Nord, Marie Grusell, Niklas Bolin & Kajsa Falasca, Sundsvall: Mittuniversitetet, Demicom. , 2018, s. 101-Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 34.
    Svenonius, Ola
    et al.
    Stockholm University.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Surveillance from a Post-Communist Perspective2018Ingår i: Surveillance & Society, ISSN 1477-7487, E-ISSN 1477-7487, Vol. 16, nr 3, s. 269-276Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This special issue is the result of a research initiative that began in 2013, just before the annexation of Crimea by Russia. We, the guest editors, together with Pawel Waszkiewicz at the University in Warsaw, wanted to fill a gap in research on surveillance, which had at that time not yet addressed post-communist societies to any great extent. Today the situation is slightly different, but the need for further research is still pressing. It is therefore with great pleasure that we present a collection of five research articles by both senior and early-stage researchers, as well as a postscript by Professor Emeritus Maria Los, who is one of the few researchers who has written extensively on surveillance-related issues from a post-communist perspective. Below we introduce the special issue with a conceptual overview of post-communist research and its connections to surveillance studies.

  • 35.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Nostalgia and shrinkage: Philosophy and culture under post-postmodern conditions2018Ingår i: Educational Philosophy and Theory, ISSN 0013-1857, E-ISSN 1469-5812, Vol. 50, nr 14, s. 1407-1408Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 36.
    Van Hecke, Steven
    et al.
    KU Leuven Public Governance Institute, Belgium.
    Andrione-Moylan, Alex
    KU Leuven, Belgium.
    Brack, Nathalie
    Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium.
    de Coninck, Isabelle
    KU Leuven Public Governance Institute, Belgium.
    Day, Stephen
    University of Oita, Japan.
    Gagatek, Wojciech
    University of Warsaw, Poland.
    van Haute, Emilie
    Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium.
    Hertner, Isabelle
    King’s College London, UK.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Lavrelashvili, Teona
    KU Leuven, Belgium.
    Pittoors, Gilles
    Ghent University, Belgium.
    Wolfs, Wouter
    KU Leuven Public Governance Institute, Belgium.
    Reconnecting European Political Parties with European Union Citizens2018Rapport (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Democracy involves popular control over decision-making, and political equality among those exercising that control. In parliamentary democracies, day-to-day control is delegated to elected politicians, who organize themselves in political parties. Globally, political parties have become an important interface between government and the people.

    Since their establishment, European political parties have enhanced their role(s) within the polity of the European Union. Within the context of multiple challenges to democracy worldwide, and in view of the 2019 European Parliament elections, European political parties are increasingly called upon to represent EU citizens in their work, and ensure an effective connection with people.

    This Discussion Paper takes a comprehensive approach to understanding the role(s) of European political parties within the polity of the EU. It focuses on how European political parties can (re)connect with EU citizens, and emphasizes the regulatory framework in which European political parties operate. It also provides insights into European political parties’ linkage with national political parties, and outreach in relation to EU political actors and citizens. It includes a set of recommendations to advance the broadening, deepening and diversification of avenues and tools for European political parties to connect with citizens.

  • 37.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Country Case Study Sweden2018Ingår i: Triumph of the women?: The Female Face of the Populist & Far Right in Europe / [ed] Elisa Gutsche, Berlin: Forum Politik und Gesellschaft, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung , 2018, , s. 95-104s. 94-105Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 38.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Repercussions of right-wing populism for European integration2018Ingår i: Bridging the prosperity gap in the EU: the social challenge ahead / [ed] Ulf Bernitz; Moa Mårtensson; Lars Oxelheim; Thomas Persson, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2018, s. 46-84Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 39.
    Borevi, Karin
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Uppsala universitet.
    Familj, medborgarskap, migration.: Sveriges politik för anhöriginvandring i ett jämförande perspektiv2018Övrigt (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 40.
    Borevi, Karin
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Uppsala universitet.
    Familj, medborgarskap, migration: Sveriges politik för anhöriginvandring i ett jämförande perspektiv2018Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the 1980s, family migration is the most common reason for foreign citizens outside the Nordic countries to be granted the right to settle in Sweden. Family migration cover cases when a person who already live in a country reunites with a family member from another country.

    In June 2016, Sweden introduced a law on temporary restrictions in the possibility to achieve residence permit. The law was a direct result of the record-breaking immigration of asylum seekers experienced during the fall 2015. The measure was presented by the government as a necessity to protect the asylum reception system, as well as other central societal functions, from the strains caused by the large inflow of asylum seekers. One area where the 2016 rule changes have had the largest impact is family migration, which is the focus of study in this report. In particular, the stricter regulations meant that persons granted subsidiary protection status had very limited chances to get the right to reunite with their close family members. But the rule changes implied stricter regulations in relation to family migration affecting also other categories, and the Swedish population at large, e.g. in relation to support and housing requirements to be allowed to bring in a partner from a country outside of the EU.

    Adopting a comparative perspective, this study analyses how the recent Swedish changes in family migration regulations relate (1) to existing EU legislation; (2) to other countries’ national regulations and (3) to arguments and considerations previously put forward in the Swedish policy debate, as well as arguments reflected in family migration policy debates in the neighboring countries Denmark and Norway.

    The report begins with an introductory section describing the study’s aims, points of departure, method and delimitations. Thereafter follows a section which includes an overview of the numbers of family migrants in relation to other migrant categories, and a review of international research on family migration policies. The section provides a discussion about what principles, interests and values are at stake in this policy field. It is established that, besides migration policy concerns, issues revolving around family migration also bring to the fore central aspects of integration, citizenship and a society’s core values. A common European policy trend – identified in the literature as a “civic turn” in immigrant integration – is particularly highlighted. The trend reflects a renewed interest among states across Europe to actively strengthen and protect the national identity via formulation of new or sharpened requirements targeted at immigrants. Access to permanent residence permit, national citizenship or the right to reunite with a family member from abroad may for instance be conditioned with the applicant’s knowledge in the receiving state’s language, history and culture. Family migration policies potentially involve a “double conditionality” in the sense that integration requirements can be targeted both at the foreign family migrant and at the sponsor.

    The empirical study is divided in two parts. In the first part an overview is presented (based on MIPEX 2015) of family migration policy regulations in the 28 EU member states plus Norway and Switzerland. The overview concerns four categories conditions and demands that (under certain conditions) the EU family reunification directive allows states to use: (1) requirements on status of residence and residence time; (2) age requirements; (3) support and housing requirements and (4) language and integration requirements. Discussing the member states’ commitments according to the directive and giving an overview of existing legislation in differeing countries, this analysis contributes to concretize what the “EU minimum level” may imply. The empirical study in this part also gives an account of how the Swedish legislation positions itself in relation to the “EU minimum level” before and after the temporary law of 2016.

    The second part of the report study central policy processes in Sweden, Denmark and Norway which preceded decisions to introduce new or tougher demands and restrictions on family migration – or to reject such changes. The analysis provides a broad account of policy development in the three countries, from the turn of the millennium up to 2016, identifying what considerations, arguments and problem representations have guided the decisions. One conclusion of this analysis is that the large asylum migration in 2015 provoked reforms and changes in regulations in all three countries. But whereas the changes in Denmark and Norway were in line with policy development which had been noted during a very long (Denmark) or rather long (Norway) period of time, in Sweden the changes are to be described in terms of a sudden and paradigmatic migration policy change.

    In the last section the conclusions of the study and what insights can be drawn from them in relation to future policy decisions are discussed. The report shows that the Swedish 2016 changes in family migration regulations represented a dramatic deviation from previous policies, motivated solely as a way to reduce asylum immigration. The intention was to adjust Swedish rules to the EU minimum level, in order not deviate as the country with more generous rules. For future policy decisions there is however a need of a more profound and elaborated debate and analysis, which in earnest takes into consideration the different core principles and values which are at stake in family migration.

  • 41.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Sovereign power and refugees in the Polish parliament2018Ingår i: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, ISSN 2573-9638, Vol. 26, nr 2-3, s. 109-129Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper shows that contemporary Polish politics under the tutelage of Law and Justice (PiS) can fruitfully be analysed as a biopolitical production of political subjects. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben’s take on biopolitics, this paper asks how biopolitics and sovereign power materialized in two recent Polish parliamentary debates on EU sanctioned refugee quotas. The paper uses linguistic tropes to operationalize sovereign power and applies them to the analysis. The findings demonstrate the centrality of contingent factors in the ways to which biopolitics materializes in the debates and reveals the radically politicizing effects for a contemporary democratic system.

  • 42.
    Edenborg, Emil
    Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES). Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Recensioner: Gunnar Nygren & Jöran Hök (red.): Ukraina och informationskriget: Journalistik mellan ideal och självcensur2017Ingår i: Nordicom Information, ISSN 0349-5949, Vol. 39, nr 1, s. 127-129Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 43.
    Edenborg, Emil
    Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES). Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Sörberg, Anna-Maria, 2017. Homo­nationalism. Stockholm: Leopard förlag.2017Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 119, nr 2, s. 338-341Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 44.
    Edenborg, Emil
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Politics of visibility and belonging: from Russia’s "homosexual propaganda" laws to the Ukraine war2017Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 45.
    Strandbrink, Peter
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Civic Education and Liberal Democracy: Making Post-Normative Citizens in Normative Political Spaces2017Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This book explores the inherent tension in civic education. There is a surging belief in contemporary European society that liberal democracy should work harder to reproduce the civic and normative setups of national populations through public education. The cardinal notion is that education remains the best means to accomplish this end, and educational regimes appropriate tools to make the young more tolerant, civic, democratic, communal, cosmopolitan, and prone to engaged activism. This book is concerned with the ambiguities that strain standard visions of civic education and educational statehood. On the one hand, civic-normative education is expected to drive tolerance in the face of conflicting good-life affirmations and accelerating worldview pluralisation; on the other hand, nation-states are primarily interested in reproducing the normative prerogatives that prevail in restricted cultural environments. This means that civic education unfolds on two irreconcilable planes at once: one cosmopolitan/tolerant, another parochial/intolerant. The book will be of significant interest to students and scholars of education, sociology, normative statehood, democracy, and liberal political culture, particularly those working in the areas of civic education; as well as education policy-makers.

  • 46.
    Ekman, Joakim
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Schartau, Mai-Brith
    Politics2017Ingår i: The Baltic Sea Region: A Comprehensive Guide: History, Politics, Culture and Economy of a European Role Model / [ed] Zurück Bestellen Henningsen, Bernd; Etzold, Tobias; Hanne, Krister, Berlin: Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag GmbH, 2017, s. 115-168Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 47.
    Carlsson, Nina
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Navigating Two Languages: Immigrant Integration Policies in Bilingual Finland2017Ingår i: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, ISSN 1617-5247, E-ISSN 1617-5247, Vol. 16, nr 2, s. 41-66Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Immigration into states with historical linguistic minorities creates the dilemma of which language newly arrived immigrants should learn in the state-provided integration programmes. Research has shown how territorially concentrated historical minorities have used immigrants to favour their own nation-building projects. While these minorities to some extent operate like a majority within their federal state or province, this paper explores how constitutionally bilingual Finland, having a Swedish-speaking non-territorial minority with the same linguistic rights as the majority, governs immigrant integration. It investigates the implications of the strong legal and weak societal status of Swedish for immigrant integration by connecting scholarship on liberal multiculturalism and integration in multilingual states to laws, reports and interviews on integration in Swedish-speaking Finland. It shows tensions between Finland-Swedish integration aspirations and state level policies promoting a majority-monolingual integration. Unlike minorities with federal protection, the non-territorial Swedish-speaking minority largely relies on the voluntary choice of immigrants to choose Swedish as their language of integration. Structural obstacles, however, hinder this choice in bilingual regions, having resulted in political debates and actions. This article bridges research on Finnish multiculturalism and research on integration policy in contexts where historical minorities are present by introducing a non-territorial, formerly dominant minority to the research field.

  • 48.
    Tarasova, Ekaterina
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    Anti-nuclear Movements in Discursive and Political Contexts​: Between Expert Voices and Local Protests2017Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Energipolitik som upprätthåller och utökar användandet av kärnkraft motarbetas ofta av antikärnkrafts­rörelser. Exempel på sådan energipolitik är de ambitiösa planerna på att utveckla kärnkraft i Ryssland, att bygga ett första kärnkraftverk i Polen, och att häva förbudet mot kärnkraft samt möjliggöra utbyte av gamla reaktorer i Sverige. I motsats till de massiva antikärnkraftsrörelserna under 1970-1990, är de nya rörelserna inte organiserade som nationella protestkampanjer. Denna avhandling undersöker vilka olika handlingssätt antikärnkrafts­rörelserna i den påstådda "Nuclear Renaissance"-perioden använder.

    Antikärnkraftsrörelsernas olika sätt att agera analyseras ur diskursiva och politiska möjligheter. Diskurser av antikärnkraftsrörelser är komplexa, när officiella diskurser om kärnkraft möter argument om lönsamhet, energisäkerhet och miljösäkerhet i samband med kärnkraft utveckling, anknyter den mer till en bredare socio-politiska utveckling. Diskurser etableras på ett sådant sätt att expertretorik blir en standardiserad metod för att diskutera kärnkraft, medan hänvisningar till känslor och subjektiva frågor är oacceptabla.

    Det politiska sammanhanget ger möjligheter till miljöorganisationer, en typ av aktör inom anti­kärnkrafts­rörelsen, att bedriva nonconfrontational strategier och engagera sig via institutionella kanaler, där de kan bidra med sin sakkunskap. Samtidigt som en annan aktör, lokal antikärnkrafts­grupper, å ena sidan dela argument med miljöorganisationer, men å andra sidan försök att mobilisera lokalbefolkningen och anordna lokala protester. Eftersom lokala protester inte visas i nationella medier får de begränsade möjligheter till medial uppmärksamhet, något som är avgörande för nationella protestaktioner. Skillnaderna i sätt att agera mellan dessa två typer av aktörer och frånvaro av aktörer som väljer massengagemang ger insikt i de olika handlingssätt som används av antikärnkraftsrörelser som helhet.

  • 49.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    The role of Europarties in EU treaty reform: Theory and practice2017Ingår i: Acta Politica, ISSN 0001-6810, E-ISSN 1741-1416, Vol. 52, nr 3, s. 286-305Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the role of Europarties in the European Union (EU) institutional and constitutional or treaty reform, in decisions and negotiations leading to the adoption of treaties in the 1980s and 1990s. The existing literature on such reform in the EU largely overlooks the role of Europarties in the making of new treaties. Research on EU treaty reform usually operates within a state-centric ontology and framework for analysis. Challenging previous analyses and moving beyond state-centrism and intergovernmentalism, strictly inter-state bargaining, this article offers a complementary transnationalist account of what is happening in the drama of grand bargains or history-making treaty negotiations in the EU. There is a transnational dimension to such treaty reform; there is Europarty mobilization and influence. In conclusion, Europarties matter when they are in numerical ascendance, relatively cohesive and able to mobilize their networks of political parties and leaders.

  • 50.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mittuniversitetet.
    Managed Intra-Party Democracy: Precursory Delegation and Party Leader Selection2017Ingår i: Party Politics, ISSN 1354-0688, E-ISSN 1460-3683, Vol. 23, nr 1, s. 55-65Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The question of how party leaders are selected has recently, and belatedly, come under systematic comparative scrutiny. If it is the location of intra-party power that interests us, however, it might be that some of the more observable indicators in such processes, such as the identity of the selectorate, are not actually the most revealing ones. Using a delegation perspective, we thus present a framework for analysing prior steps in leader selection and relate it to various ideal-typical constellations of intra-party power. The framework encompasses, first, what we call precursory delegation, with focus especially on an agent that, formally or informally, manages the selection process before it reaches the selectorate. Second, the framework takes account of the degree to which the process is managed rather than left open to free competition between leader candidates. We illustrate the framework primarily with instances of leader selection in two Swedish parties.

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