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  • 51.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science. Swedish Institute of International Affairs, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Giampiero, Giacomello
    Università di Bologna, Italy.
    The Information Revolution, Security and International Relations: (IR)relevant Theory?2006In: International Political Science Review, ISSN 0192-5121, E-ISSN 1460-373X, Vol. 27, no 3, p. 221-244Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this article is twofold: to analyze the impact of the information revolution on security and to clarify what existing international relations theory can say about this challenge. These pertinent questions are initially addressed by a critical review of past research. This review shows that the concern for security issues is largely confined to a specialist literature on information warfare and cyber-security, while neither the general literature on information society nor security studies pay any serious attention to information-technology-related security issues. The specialist literature is mostly policy oriented, and only very rarely informed by theory, whether from the international relations discipline or any other field. In this article, three general international relations “schools” (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) are scrutinized with regard to what they can say about security in the digital age. It is argued that the liberal focus on pluralism, interdependence, and globalization, the constructivist emphasis on language, symbols, and images (including “virtuality”), and some elements of realist strategic studies (on information warfare) contribute to an understanding of digital-age security. Finally, it is suggested that pragmatism might help to bridge the gap between theory and practice, and overcome the dualistic, contending nature of international relations theories.

  • 52.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Gilek, MichaelSödertörn University, School of Life Sciences, Environmental science.Rudén, Christina
    Regulating chemical risks: European and global challenges2010Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 53.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Jones, Christopher
    Security Concepts in the European North: Swedish and Finnish Security Policy in Comparative Perspective2009In: Security in the West: evolution of a concept / [ed] Giampiero Giacomello, R Craig Nation, Milano: Vita e Pensiero , 2009, p. 141-184Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 54.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Karlsson, Mikael
    Södertörn University, School of Life Sciences, Environmental science.
    Reuter, Marta
    Scientific Committees and EU Policy: The Case of SCHER2010In: Regulating chemical risks: European and global challenges / [ed] Johan Eriksson, Michael Gilek, Christina Rudén, Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2010, p. 301-317Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 55.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Karlsson, Mikael
    Södertörn University, School of Life Sciences, Environmental science.
    Reuter, Marta
    Stockholm University.
    Technocracy, Politicization and Non-Involvement: Politics of Expertise in the European Regulation of Chemicals2010In: Review of Policy Research, ISSN 1541-132X, E-ISSN 1541-1338, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 167-185Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses the relationship between scientific expertise and policy in European chemicals regulation. We argue that the role of scientific expertise in the European regulation of chemicals varies across decision-making levels, countries, and stages of the policy process. Our case study of the role of scientific expertise in the regulation of brominated flame retardants illustrates considerably different manifestations of this interconnected process across regulatory arenas, even though this case concerns a single group of substances. On the European Union level, we find a mix of technocracy and politicization; in Sweden, a clear-cut politicization; and in Poland, noninvolvement. Such differences can be explained by a combination of factors, in particular frame dominance, and mobilization of advocacy coalitions.

  • 56.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Karppi, Kristiina
    Continuity and Change in State-Saami Relations2002In: Conflict and cooperation in the North / [ed] Kristiina Karppi & Johan Eriksson, Umeå: Kulturgräns norr , 2002, p. 361-373Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 57.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Karppi, Kristiina
    Mapping State-Saami Relations?2002In: Conflict and Cooperation in the North: States and the Saami People / [ed] Kristiina Karppi & Johan Eriksson, Umeå: Kulturgräns norr , 2002, p. 23-28Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 58.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Karppi, Kristiina
    The Construction of Sápmi: Towards a Transnational Polity?2002In: Conflict and cooperation in the North / [ed] Kristiina Karppi & Johan Eriksson, Umeå: Kulturgräns norr , 2002, p. 239-250Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 59.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Lagerkvist, Johan
    Stockholm University, Sweden.
    Cyber security in Sweden and China: Going on the Attack?2016In: Conflict in Cyberspace: Theoretical, Strategic and Legal Perspectives / [ed] Kristian Friis; Jens Ringsmose, London: Routledge, 2016, p. 83-94Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Introduction In recent years Western pundits and politicians have played up the specter of a new digital divide, between opposing democratic and authoritarian information orders, by at times even labeled an Internet cold war 2.0. The term digital divide originally explained unequal access to the Internet and digital information resources inside and between countries (Norris 2001). The new digital divide was not about unequal access to the Internet and digital information resources. It was political in nature due to different conceptions of liberties, freedom of expression, and how information flows should be governed nationally and internationally. Most notably, former US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, in her by now well-known talk in Washington DC on January 21, 2010, emphasized that an “information curtain” had descended between free and closed nations of the world (Clinton 2010). Clinton, invoked and echoed Winston Churchill’s famous words on the iron curtain that came to divide Europe for more than fifty years when she in Washington DC said: “an information curtain now separates the free from the unfree.” Two years later, the International Telecommunication Union’s (ITU) World Conference on International Communications (WCIT-12) meeting, which negotiated a revision to the 1988 international telecommunications regulations (ITR), broke down on vague wordings on Internet governance in the final resolution on December 14, 2012. Subsequently, The Economist magazine ran the headline “A digital cold war?” (Dubai 2012). However, the leaks by Edward Snowden in June 2013 radically changed the nature of the debate on Internet freedom and Internet security, although black-and-white dichotomies between the “free world” and the “unfree world” remain remarkably persistent, even after Snowden, a former employee with a contractor of the National Security Agency of the United States, revealed the enormous extent of surveillance and monitoring of individual citizens worldwide and in the USA. As statements by US congressmen about Chinese spyware infiltrating the mobile phones of Hong Kong activists illustrate, hypocrisy and myth making about “good” and “evil” surveillance is very much alive (Farrell and Finnemore 2013). Internet governance issues, however, are not black-and-white uncomplicated issues on either side of the imagined cyber curtain separating the free from the unfree (cf. Stalla-Bourdin et al. 2014). Russia, China and Iran are autocratic but not totalitarian countries. They showcase complex authoritarian-capitalist settings, which in the cases of Russia and Iran entail constrained but, nevertheless, electoral politics. Unlike totalitarian North Korea, these countries are not isolated from the rest of the world, but are deeply involved in social and economic globalization. And in China, interestingly, the state cannot fully trust private commercial companies to fully comply with the party-state’s intent to censor and monitor citizens’ communication over social networks. The remainder of this chapter discusses Swedish and Chinese cyber-security strategy, focusing on threat perceptions, cyber-security methods and organization. Why compare Sweden and China? The main reason is that while both have relatively advanced information societies and cyber-security measures, they represent on the one hand a parliamentary democracy, and on the other an autocratic political system. While many other democracies and autocracies could have been chosen, Sweden and China are particularly interesting given their difference in size and position in the global system. Also, while the USA is a leading cyber power, and thus in a sense a major geopolitical counterpart of China, we are not here analyzing the balance of cyber power, but are mainly interested in differences and similarities between democracy and autocracy concerning cyber security. And while US cyber-security policies have been extensively discussed elsewhere (Mueller and Kuehn 2013; Dunn Cavelty 2008), there is hardly any studies on Swedish cyber security (for exceptions, see Eriksson 2001a, 2001b, 2004). Moreover, our particular expertise on Swedish and Chinese cyber politics is a pragmatic reason for studying these rather than any other countries. It should also be made clear that we conceive of cyber security in a broad sense. Cyber security, as we understand it, includes defensive measures against cyber attacks such as firewalls and CERT (Computer Emergency Response Team) functions, offensive measures such as computer hacking and denial of service attacks, and cyber surveillance and cyber espionage (Andreasson 2012; Dunn Cavelty 2008).

  • 60.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy
    Swedish Defence University, Sweden.
    Conceptualizing the European military-civilian-industrial complex: The need for a helicopter perspective2023In: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698, Vol. 3, no 4, p. 561-588Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In his 1961 farewell address, US President Eisenhower coined the term “military-industrial complex,” referring to the coalescing of military, industrial, and political interest groups. In contemporary Europe, the military-industrial complex is arguably transforming into a complex with a noteworthy commercial civilian dimension, blurring traditional military and arms-focused understandings of European defence and security. Our emphasis on an added corporate civilian component captures the expansion of defence and security beyond the traditional military domain. Coalescing of industry and politics is observed in Europe, blurring the military-civilian divide, technologically as well as in organization and governance, particularly through public-private partnerships. Eisenhower, himself a decorated WWII general, warned of how the US military-industrial complex could lead to “disastrous use of misplaced power.” Rather than reiterating such a conclusion in the European context, our paper examines how the European military-civilian-industrial complex is emerging, looking at how elite participants shape the public-private structure of the complex, and specifically how policies on dual-use and emerging technologies influence developments in Europe. The focus herein is on novel actors, characteristics, and the European Union and charts out defining conceptual features of the defence and security industry in Europe

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  • 61.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy
    Swedish Defence University, Sweden; Royal InsƟtute of Technology, Sweden.
    Outsourcing the American Space Dream?: SpaceX and the Race to the Stars2022Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Whereas the rise of private space entrepreneurship is indisputable, this paper contends that contrary to the “NewSpace” narrative, the development of privately owned and operated human spacefaring  does not dispel or fundamentally alter the American space dream but rather implies continuity of the narrative of America as the dominant global space power, specifically regarding a return to the Moon and with the explicit aim of colonizing Mars. The present paper analyzes the continuity of the American space dream and how it is expressed by public and private space actors as well as being supported by popular culture, entertainment, and an active space enthusiast community. The paper maintains that the continuity of the American space dream as a unifying national narrative is facilitated by how private spacefaring is heavily dependent on the US government’s emphasis on the pivotal role of private space industry for US-led space exploration. This dependent relationship provides incentives for private space entrepreneurs to share and tap into the established American space dream. The continuity of the American space dream is achieved through a prevailing yet reconfigured government-industrial complex.

  • 62.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy M.
    Försvarshögskolan; KTH.
    EU och det teknologiska megaskiftet: Hot, sårbarhet och fragmenterat ansvar2020In: EU och teknologiskiftet / [ed] A. Bakardjieva Engelbrekt; A. Michalski; L. Oxelheim, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2020, p. 35-61Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 63.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy M.
    Swedish Defence University, Sweden.
    Outsourcing the American Space Dream: SpaceX and the Race to the Stars2023In: Astropolitics: The International Journal of Space Politics and Policy, ISSN 1477-7622, E-ISSN 1557-2943, Vol. 21, no 1, p. 46-62Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Whereas the rise of private space entrepreneurship is indisputable, we contend that contrary to the “NewSpace” narrative, the development of privately owned and operated human spacefaring does not dispel or fundamentally alter the American space dream, but rather implies continuity of the narrative of America as the dominant global space power, specifically regarding a return to the Moon and with the explicit aim of colonizing Mars. Herein, we analyze the continuity of the American space dream and how it is expressed by public and private space actors, as well as being supported by popular culture, entertainment, and an active space enthusiast community. We maintain that the continuity of the American space dream as a unifying national narrative is facilitated by how private spacefaring is dependent on the U.S. Government’s emphasis on the pivotal role of private space industry for space exploration. This dependent relationship provides incentives for private space entrepreneurs to share and leverage the established American space dream. The continuity of the American space dream is achieved through a prevailing, yet reconfigured, government-industrial complex.

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  • 64.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy M:
    Försvarshögskolan; KTH.
    Theorizing Technology in International Relations: Prevailing Perspectives and New Horizons2021In: Technology and International Relations: The New Horizon in Global Power / [ed] Giampiero Giacomello; Franscesco Niccolò Moro; Marco Valigi, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2021, p. 1-21Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter presents an introduction to and brief overview of the study of technology and international relations, including a discussion of research gaps and new horizons. In particular, this contribution addresses whether and how prevailing theoretical approaches have been able to analyze the relationship between technological and international political change. This includes how the personal, social, societal, and, to an extent, also biological worlds are becoming increasingly interconnected through new technologies – what has been referred to as the ‘fourth industrial revolution’ (Newlove-Eriksson and Eriksson, 2021; Schwab, 2017). How then is technology addressed within the field of international relations (IR)? Given the considerable attention IR literature pays to globalization and global structural change – core themes of contemporary IR – it might be expected that the role of technology in world politics would be a major focus. What would global politics and globalization be if the rapid development and diffusion of global information and communications technologies (ICTs) were not taken into account? It would seem, nonetheless, that technology has received rather mixed and selective attention within IR.

  • 65.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Noreen, Erik
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Hotbildsentreprenörens verktygslåda2006Report (Other academic)
  • 66.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Noreen, Erik
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Hur man säljer hot2006In: Axess, ISSN 1651-0941, no 8, p. 6-7Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 67.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Noreen, Erik
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Setting the agenda of threats: an explanatory model2002Report (Other academic)
  • 68.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Norman, Ludvig
    Uppsala University.
    Political Utilization of Scholarly Ideas: “The Clash of Civilizations” vs. “Soft Power” in US Foreign Policy2011In: Review of International Studies, ISSN 0260-2105, E-ISSN 1469-9044, Vol. 37, no 1, p. 417-436Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article discusses how and under what conditions ideas coming from International Relations (IR) scholarship are used in foreign policy. We argue that the focus on policy relevance, which dominates the IR literature on the research-policy interface, is limited. Focusing instead on political utilisation highlights types and mechanisms of political impact, which are overlooked in studies on policy relevance. The fruitfulness of this change in focus is showed in an analysis of how Samuel Huntington's ‘clash of civilizations’ notion and Joseph Nye's ‘soft power’ concept have been used in US foreign policy. George W. Bush's explicit critique and reframing of ‘the clash’ thesis should not be interpreted as absence of impact, but as a significant symbolic utilisation, which has helped legitimate US foreign policy. Likewise, in the few instances in which the notion of ‘soft power’ has been used explicitly, it has played a conceptual and symbolical rather than instrumental role. More generally, this article argues that accessible framing and paradigm compatibility are essential for political utilisation of ideas.

  • 69.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Privalov, Roman
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Russian space policy and identity: visionary or reactionary?2021In: Journal of International Relations and Development, ISSN 1408-6980, E-ISSN 1581-1980, Vol. 24, no 2, p. 381-407Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Why is there a lack of grand, forward-looking vision in contemporary Russian space policy? Our study reveals nothing that compares with either ambitious Soviet goals or contemporary American goals of being first, reaching farthest, and being a dominant power in space; nor are there any clear explanations available of what goals Russia pursues in space. Notwithstanding the celebrational rhetoric on Russia being an ‘acknowledged leader’ which recurrently refers to its superpower past, the substance of contemporary Russian space policy is not focused on hegemony but rather on reaching equal status, catching up, being competitive, and strengthening independent access to space. Whether motivated by a shift to a less ambitious great power identity seeking equal status rather than dominance or departing from a perception of inferiority in comparison with the West, Russian space policy simultaneously seeks lasting space cooperation with the US and criticises the US for militarisation of space. This may seem paradoxical from a geopolitical perspective, but it makes sense from an identity perspective; for better or worse, the US remains Russia’s ‘significant other’ in space.

  • 70.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Privalov, Roman
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Ryssland i rymden: Nostalgi, futurism och stormaktspolitik2023In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 125, no 1, p. 99-120Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How is outer space perceived in contemporary Russian politics and popular cul-ture? This question is addressed through an analysis of post-Soviet Russian space policy and Russian popular culture, the latter concerning e.g. space museums, movies and literature. By looking both at Russian space policy (operated mainly through the Russian state corporation Roscosmos) and at expressions in popular culture, a wide plethora of ideas and visions of cosmos and Russia’s place in space is observed. Patterns of continuity and change are observed in both realms, and link-ages between politics and popular culture are noted. Expressions of Soviet nostal-gia exists, but there is also a widespread perception of Russia as a weakened space power, seeking to maintain space exploration capacity rather than to take a global lead. In contemporary popular culture, there is also a new diversity of space visions, ranging from postcolonial critique of Soviet and contemporary Russian space policy to global liberal notions and new imperial visions.

  • 71.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Reischl, Gunilla
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Worlds apart, worlds together: Converging and diverging frames in climate and energy governance2019In: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 16, no 1, p. 67-82Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper argues that past research has overlooked how the way problems and solutions are framed contribute to a prevailing gap in the global governance of climate and energy. Empirically, this paper investigates the frames of energy and climate change as expressed in key documents from the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and International Energy Agency (IEA). Partly in contrast to past research, this paper finds (1) that there is a growing similarity in how the IPCC and IEA frame climate and energy; (2) that the IEA has gone from ignoring to acknowledging climate change and the transformation to a low-carbon energy system; and (3) that there is a prevailing difference in emphasis, whereas the IPCC only marginally discuss energy, while the IEA is still mainly talking about energy needs and fossil fuels even if climate change and renewables have entered their agenda.

  • 72.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Rhinard, Mark
    The Internal-External Security Nexus: Notes on an Emerging Research Agenda2009In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 44, no 3, p. 243-267Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The central contention of this article holds that scholars do not adequately assess and explain the influence of transboundary security issues on government behaviour. Their assessment is not adequate because they do not fully conceptualize the relationship between internal and external security concerns. Their explanations are not adequate because existing theories cannot fully explain how and why states respond to transboundary security issues. To rectify these concerns, stimulate and structure further research, and encourage scholarly dialogue, we build an analytical framework for (a) understanding what we describe as the ‘nexus’ of internal and external security matters, and (b) explaining why that nexus may change state behaviour on transboundary security issues. The resulting framework encourages a strong focus on the nature of transboundary problems before studying their implications for changes in perceptions, policies, politics and polity.

  • 73.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Stern, Eric K
    Sundelius, Bengt
    Uppsala University.
    Bridging theory and practice in crisis management: The Swedish experience2001In: EU civilian crisis management / [ed] Graeme Herd, Jouko Huru, Surrey: Camberley , 2001, p. 19-33Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 74.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Political Science, Economics and Law, Political science.
    Sundelius, Bengt
    Uppsala University and Swedish National Defence College.
    Molding Minds That Form Policy: How to Make Research Useful2005In: International Studies Perspectives, ISSN 1528-3577, E-ISSN 1528-3585, Vol. 6, no 1, p. 51-71Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How can policy-relevant ideas be effectively communicated to practitioners? While the existing literature has focused on what kind of theory and research are policy relevant, it does not say much about how this knowledge can be communicated. If you want to make a difference, you must know how to reach your target. We take note of the important, but in this context often overlooked opportunities for knowledge diffusion that are provided by the education of young minds and the training of mid-career officials and officers. This article first discusses three contending perspectives on the relationship between scholars and practitioners. It then makes a conceptual elaboration of conditions for communicating research to practitioners, drawing on a wide body of literature on the power of ideas. We conclude by summarizing pointers for how scholars may reflect and how we can act, if we wish to enrich foreign policy practice with research-based ideas.

  • 75.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    et al.
    University of Bologna, Italy.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Rise of the Nerd: Knowledge, Power and International Relations in a Digital World2023In: Digital International Relations: Technology, Agency and Order / [ed] Corneliu Bjola; Markus Kornprobst, London: Routledge, 2023Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter addresses the rise of the ‘computer nerd’ – a powerful yet under-researched actor in International Relations (IR). Software programmers, algorithm writers, Artificial Intelligence (AI) designers, digital network engineers, computer system administrators and other ‘computer nerds’ have tremendous power in the global information society. These types of experts and epistemic communities design, build, develop, monitor, augment and analyse computer networks, algorithms and ‘Big Data’ upon which contemporary politics, civil society and economies depend. We contend that the computer nerd stereotype – variously anchored to some degree in empirics, reputation and celebration as stereotypes typically are – has significant power in shaping global information society, something which begs scrutiny of this type of actor in IR. The type of expert power maintained by computer nerds is primarily of a system-shaping rather than relational kind. This system-shaping power consists of three subsets of nerd power: ‘design power’ that shapes the digital platforms and applications used by individuals and organisations; ‘connecting power’ that shapes the networks which allow real-time communication and digitalisation of infrastructure; and ‘analytical power’ which controls and produces knowledge of the digital world, including the increasing use of ‘Big Data’.

  • 76.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    et al.
    University of Bologna, Italy.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Giumelli, Francesco
    University of Groningen, Netherlands.
    Sources of strength: the European defence industry in a disorderly world2023In: Defence Studies, ISSN 1470-2436, E-ISSN 1743-9698, Vol. 23, no 4, p. 527-530Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 77.
    Hosein, Ian
    et al.
    London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), United Kingdom.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science. Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    International Policy Dynamics and the Regulation of Dataflows: Bypassing Domestic Restrictions2007In: International relations and security in the digital age / [ed] Johan Eriksson and Giampiero Giacomello, London: Routledge, 2007, p. 158-172Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 78. Karppi, Kristina
    et al.
    Eriksson, JohanSödertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Conflict and cooperation in the North2002Collection (editor) (Other academic)
  • 79.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy
    et al.
    KTH och FHS.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Utrikespolitiska institutet.
    Governance Beyond the Global: Who Controls the Extraterrestrial?2013In: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 10, no 2, p. 277-292Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    How is outer space governed? This article argues that private authority is gaining salience in space politics, even with respect to the traditionally state-centric security and military aspects of space. Further, while commercial actors have always played a role in space programs, three significant changes can be detected: transnational conglomerates and consortia as opposed to individual corporations are emerging as key partners in space politics; private partners are gaining stronger and wider responsibilities for the development and management of space programs (including manned spaceflights); and public accountability is increasingly at stake due to a widening of security in space policy. The latter development includes a blurring of key distinctions between military and civilian usage (also referred to as dual-use or dual-role application), as well as between the public and private realms.

  • 80.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy
    et al.
    Royal Institute of Technology / Swedish Defence University.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    The Invisible Hand? Critical Information Infrastructures, Commercialisation and National Security2018In: The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs, ISSN 0393-2729, E-ISSN 1751-9721, Vol. 53, no 2, p. 124-140Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Corporatisation of critical information infrastructure (CII) is rooted in the ‘privatisation wave’ of the 1980s-90s, when ground was laid for outsourcing public utilities. Despite well-known risks relating to reliability, resilience, and accountability, commitment to efficiency imperatives have driven governments to outsource key public services and infrastructures. A recent illustrative case with enormous implications is the 2017 Swedish ICT scandal, where outsourcing of CII caused major security breaches. With the transfer of the Swedish Transport Agency’s ICT system to IBM and subcontractors, classified data and protected identities were made accessible to non-vetted foreign private employees – the sensitive data could thus now be anywhere. This case clearly demonstrates accountability gaps that can arise in public-private governance of CII.

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  • 81.
    Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy M:
    et al.
    Försvarshögskolan; KTH.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Technological Megashift and the EU: Threats, Vulnerabilities, and Fragmented Responsibilities2021In: The European Union and the Technological Shift / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva-Engelbrekt; Karin Leijon; Anna Michalski; Lars Oxelheim, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021, 1, p. 27-55Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter addresses the technological megashift and implications for security and accountability within the EU. Digitalised interconnectivity of increasingly ‘embedded’ systems, infrastructures and societal functions are megashift features. Although the EU hardly lacks technological strategies, accountability structures beg improvement, and there are multiple expert groups with insufficient coordination and societal focus. The EU suffers from techno-optimism—coupled to powerful objectives of fuelling economic growth—which can lead to broadly conceived and represented security issues falling in shadow and struggles between interests being inadequately addressed. This chapter analyses how the EU deals with the megashift with respect to threats, surveillance systems, infrastructural vulnerability and public-private accountability. It is suggested that the EU take (i) a holistic grip on the megashift and implications, (ii) abandon optimistic techno-determinism for nuanced and contextual understanding and (iii) avoid outsourcing management of sensitive data and critical infrastructures.

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