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  • 101.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Security in the Barents Region: Interpretations and Implications of the Norwegian Barents Initiative1995In: Cooperation and Conflict, ISSN 0010-8367, E-ISSN 1460-3691, Vol. 30, no 3, p. 259-286Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyses the new Norwegian security thinking as realized in the establishment of the Barents Region. Two questions are asked: First, how can the security approach of the Barents initiative be conceptualized theoretically? Second, what are the practical implications of this approach? In answering these questions, three problems are focused on: (1) whether security is an issue or a dimension; (2) the unit problem; (3) the problem of change. `Traditionalist' and `revisionist' positions on each of these problems are elaborated and applied in an analysis of the Norwegian Barents initiative. In the Barents framework, Norway approaches security as a dimension rather than as a single issue. Furthermore, security is viewed as primarily concerning the state, but some rhetoric and potential implications indicate that also non-state communities, such as the Sámi people, can be approached as security subjects. Finally, rather than stability in the sense of the status quo, Norway seems to consider predictable change to be a basic aim of the Barents strategy.

  • 102.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Sweden: Small State, Middle Power or, Moral Superpower?2020In: Middle Powers in Asia and Europe in the 21st-Century / [ed] Giampiero Giacomello and Bertjan Verbeek, London: Lexington Books, 2020Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 103.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Think tanks and European foreign policy: Transnational politics of expertise2015In: The SAGE Handbook of European Foreign Policy / [ed] Knud Erik Jrgensen, Åsne Kalland Aarstad, Edith Drieskens, Katie Laatikainen & Ben Tonra, Sage Publications, 2015, p. 442-457Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 104.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    University of Bologna, Italy.
    Content analysis in the digital age: Tools, functions, and implications for security2013In: The Secure Information Society: Ethical, Legal and Political Challenges / [ed] Jörg Krüger, Bertram Nickolay, Sandro Gaycken, Springer London, 2013, p. 137-148Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Content analysis is an established and effective method for research in the social science and, despite what many think, it has been around for quite some time. It has also tremendously benefited from ICT and the growth of computing power, as computers have proved to excel in the dull routine of scanning texts for keywords. But content analysis has become ubiquitous with the advent of the Internet, particularly emails and Web sites. Keyword search, a pivotal element of content analysis, is the most widespread feature of many Internet applications, from search engines to password-cracking programs. Consequently, it has become a central concern for cybersecurity. This chapter investigates some of the most important applications of content analysis on the Net and discusses its increasing essential position in many areas of cybersecurity.

  • 105.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy.
    International Relations, Digital Security, and Content Analysis: A Constructivist Approach2014In: International Relations and the Global Politics of Science and Technology / [ed] Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, Ruth Knoblich, Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer, 2014, p. 205-219Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The development and global diffusion of access to the Internet has—as is the case with most new and game-changing technologies—been accompanied with fears and threat perceptions. This chapter argues, on the one hand, that Constructivist IR theory is particularly suited for addressing and interpreting the threat discourses and identity issues which come in focus in cybersecurity. The ease with which cyber-culprits can hide their identity and location, operating through networks of hijacked computers across the world, makes fear-mongering threat and identity discourses a key issue in cybersecurity. On the other hand, this chapter presents content analysis—a set of quantitative methods focusing on key word searches—as a pertinent or even ubiquitous method for both the study and practice of cybersecurity. Through simple and globally accessible interfaces, the entire Web can be scrutinized using content analysis. Equipped with Constructivist theory and content analysis methods, the IR scholar stands prepared to uncover and better understand the massive discursive world of the Internet.

  • 106.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    Universita` di Bologna.
    Who controls the Internet?: Beyond the obstinacy or obsolescence of the state2009In: International Studies Review, ISSN 1521-9488, E-ISSN 1468-2486, Vol. 11, no 1, p. 206-230Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    With the Internet being a truly global phenomenon, understanding how this is controlled should yield observations of relevance for the study of global governance more generally. The Internet, and how it is controlled, should therefore be a concern for all students of world politics, and not only for the smaller albeit multidisciplinary community of scholars engaging in ‘‘Internet studies.’’ A first step is to acknowledge that Internet control varies across time, space, and issue-areas. To better understand such complex patterns of governance, we need to go beyond universal generalizations. In an attempt to support the middle-range theorizing, which arguably is needed, this essay introduces and briefly unpacks three analytical questions: What are the key aspects of Internet control? What actors might control what aspects of the Internet? And, finally, under what conditions are different types of actors likely to control various aspects of the Internet?

  • 107.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Lagerkvist, Johan
    Stockholm University.
    Cybersecurity in Sweden and China: Going on the Attack?2016In: Conflict in Cyberspace: Theoretical, Strategic and Legal Perspectives / [ed] Kristian Friis and Jens Ringsmose, London: Routledge, 2016, p. 83-94Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 108.
    Eriksson, Johan
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Reischl, Gunilla
    Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Worlds apart, worlds together: Converging and diverging frames in climate and energy governance2019In: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 16, no 1, p. 67-82Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper argues that past research has overlooked how the way problems and solutions are framed contribute to a prevailing gap in the global governance of climate and energy. Empirically, this paper investigates the frames of energy and climate change as expressed in key documents from the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and International Energy Agency (IEA). Partly in contrast to past research, this paper finds (1) that there is a growing similarity in how the IPCC and IEA frame climate and energy; (2) that the IEA has gone from ignoring to acknowledging climate change and the transformation to a low-carbon energy system; and (3) that there is a prevailing difference in emphasis, whereas the IPCC only marginally discuss energy, while the IEA is still mainly talking about energy needs and fossil fuels even if climate change and renewables have entered their agenda.

  • 109.
    Fallberg Omar, Sara
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Vilken grupp tillhör jag?: En identitetspolitisk jämförelse av två skandinaviska socialistiska partier2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Identity politics is about who you identify as and which group you choose to belong to. The left is often said to be using identity politics. The purpose of this essay is to analyze two Scandinavian countries, Norway and Sweden’s, left parties and see if they use identity politics in their election manifestos. To analyze them I’ve chosen to do both a bigger qualitative idea- and ideology analysis and a smaller quantitative content analysis. I found the most common definition of identity politics and used this for my analysis. The theory I choose for my essay is Vivian A. Schmidts Discursive institutionalism where she talks about the importance of idées and discourse to explain change in institution and lawmaking. I also looked at previous research about party change and idea impact. My essay shows that both parties use identity politics, although the Swedish party uses it a little more than the Norwegian one. It also shows that it has not been a steady increase over the years, it has gone up and down for both parties.

  • 110.
    Fedioutchek, Julia
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Public Law.
    Askarova, Elnara
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Svensk migrationspolitik i förändring: En kritisk studie om säkerhetisering av migration i Sverige.2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study examines changes in the Swedish migration policy discourse during the year 2015 that resulted in the change of migration legislation with the aim of significantly reducing the number of asylum seekers. The aim of the study of the political landscape for Swedish governance of the migration issue is to define the priorities that led, among other things, to the introduction of the Act (2015:1073) on specific measures in serious danger to public order or internal security in the country and the law (2016:752) on temporary restrictions on the possibility of obtaining a residence permit in Sweden. The study's main focus is thus on the analysis of the Swedish Parliaments migration discourse which, by describing migration as a security risk, forces "urgent measures" in the form of laws that restrict migration. We want to understand the underlying factors for the expressed "emergency" that underpins these laws. As a starting point for our work, we have chosen to use the Securitization theory from the well known, within the peace and security policy research field, the Copenhagen School. The definition of the concept of securitization has a central role in the study's methodological part. It is used as a key to decode the collected material, which consists of two bill texts for new "emergency laws" in the field of migration, official statements from Swedish political parties and the Swedish government, and the political debate in the wake of, for example, the parliamentary motions. This study invites the reader to make a perception of the political decision-making process in the area of ​​migration from the security perspective. Securitization, as it has been introduced in science, means a process where (political) actors determine priorities and decide on extraordinary measures based on an assessment of the risks and threats that a specific political issue is considered to bring. We find that critical discourse theory is best suited as a method for evaluating the material that has been collected and for answering the study's questions. Finally, we would like to state that we find the study questions extremely interesting, important and relevant to the research area of ​​political science. We also believe that the issue of migration is today the most discussed issue both in politics and in society at large.

  • 111.
    Fröhlig, Florence
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Ethnology.
    Turunen, Jaakko
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Pohjoismainen romanitutkimuksen konferenssi2015In: Finnish Review of East European Studies, ISSN 1237-6051, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 90-92Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [fi]

    Review of the Nordic Romani Studies Conference

  • 112.
    Gherghina, S.
    et al.
    University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK.
    Ekman, JoakimSödertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).Podolian, OlenaSödertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Democratic Innovations in Central and Eastern Europe2019Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The book covers direct democracy (referendums in particular), deliberative democracy practices and e-participation – forms which are salient in practice because they match the political realities of our time. Expert contributors show how the recent actions of ordinary citizens in several Central and Eastern European countries have challenged the contemporary political order, and grassroots movements and diverse forms of mobilization have challenged the notion of weak civil societies in the East. The empirical evidence presented attempts to deepen citizen involvement in political contexts sometimes quite different from the democratic political systems in the Western world. Using lessons from a still largely underexplored part of Europe, the book both complements and revises theoretical approaches, or complements empirical results in existing studies on democratic innovations.

  • 113.
    Gherghina, S.
    et al.
    University of Glasgow, Glasgow, United Kingdom.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Podolian, Olena
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Democratic innovations in Central and Eastern Europe: expanding the research agenda2019In: Contemporary Politics, ISSN 1356-9775, E-ISSN 1469-3631, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 1-10Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Democratic innovations have recently gained momentum throughout the world. An increasing number of such practices takes place and coincides with a visible grow in the number of analyses focusing on the forms, functioning and effects of democratic innovations. In spite of these developments, a great deal of research on democratic innovations have largely neglected Central and Eastern Europe. This special issue of Contemporary Politics adds to the existing literature on democratic innovations by focusing on such attempts to deepen citizen participation in the political decision-making process in Central and Eastern Europe. Its attempt to expand the research agenda relies on new empirical evidence relative to three major forms of democratic innovations (direct democracy, deliberative democracy and citizens’ involvement with the aid of ICTs).

  • 114. Grant, Glen
    et al.
    Horbyk, Roman
    Södertörn University, School of Culture and Education, Media and Communication Studies.
    Podolian, Olena
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    [A review of] Colby Howard & Ruslan Pukhov (eds), Brothers Armed: Military Aspects of the Crisis in Ukraine. Second Edition2017In: Europe-Asia Studies, ISSN 0966-8136, E-ISSN 1465-3427, Vol. 69, no 10, p. 1678-1680Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 115. Gustavsson, Jakob
    et al.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Svezia2006Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 116.
    Haidara, Momodou
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Hur motiverades Sveriges deltagande i Libyen-interventionen?: En fallstudie om motiveringarna och motiven bakom Sveriges beslut att delta2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In the beginning of April 2011, the Swedish parliament decided to participate in the NATO-led intervention in Libya. The purpose of the intervention was to maintain a no-fly zone, protect civilians and to create an arms embargo. The aim of this thesis is to describe how the Swedish participation was motivated by the Swedish decision-makers in the parliament. It also aims at exploring the possible motives behind the decision to participate, through different theoretical perspectives such as realism, liberalism and constructivism. This was done with an idea analysis where motivations and motives were searched for primarily in the government proposition and the parliament debate concerning the participation. Other sources that were used to explore possible motives were the Swedish department of defense, previous research and newspapers. My findings shows that the Swedish decision to participate in the Libya-intervention was mainly motivated with liberal ideas. They also show that the motives could be many, but the most probable were the liberal ones which likely can be traced to the Swedish national identity.

  • 117.
    Hansen, Martin
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Svenska folkpartiet i Finland bortom språkfrågan: En beskrivande idéanalys av de värderingsmässiga skiljelinjerna inom SFP2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish People’s Party have for over one hundred years functioned as a political tool for the liberals and center-right of the Swedish-speaking minority of Finland. As a party the SPP stands out in comparison to most other European minority parties as not working for regional self-governance or independence, but instead wanting to uphold constitutional language and service rights. The SPP was a part of every coalition government in Finland from 1979 to 2015 and has held multiple ministerial posts despite only having approximately 5% of the votes.

    The aim of this essay has been to examine the variance in the value based political issues in the SPP to see if there is a divergence on a liberal/conservative divide within the party.

    With a theoretical framework based on the GAL-TAN political scale, a socially based dimension of measuring party positions, I have operationalized a liberal and conservative stance to Weberian ideal types, and by first e-mail interviewing party representatives to build a frame of issues to investigate, I have then performed an idea based content analysis by examining motions from 2009 to 2017. The results show that, even though there are a divergence between some of the proposals themselves, and in some cases, between the official party line as described in the party program, the differences are too insignificant to draw conclusions from. The conflict between the motions speaking for and against nuclear power stands out as being very even, while the motions concerning Finland joining NATO stands out as being fully for.

  • 118.
    Heidegren, Carl-Göran
    et al.
    Lunds universitet.
    Wittrock, Jon
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Inledning: Social acceleration och rasande stillestånd2014In: Acceleration, modernitet och identitet: Tre essäer / Hartmut Rosa, Göteborg: Daidalos, 2014, p. 7-21Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 119. Johansson, Jonas
    et al.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Mellbourn, Anders
    Parlament i världen: Riksdagen och Interparlamentariska unionen2017Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Under mer än hundra år har världens parlament och folkvalda haft en återkommande mötesplats för tankeutbyte och gemensamma aktioner i Interparlamentariska unionen, IPU.

    Från början var IPU en del av förra sekelskiftets framväxande rörelse för demokrati och fred i Europa. Samarbete mellan världens parlamentariker skulle demokratisera utrikespolitiken och skapa förutsättningar för en hållbar fred. Inom loppet av ett drygt kvartssekel hedrades hela åtta företrädare för IPU med Nobels fredspris.

    Trots två förödande världskrig på 1900-talet och hotet om kärnvapenkrig sedan dess har IPU behållit sin roll som mötesplats och samtalsforum. Arbetet med utvecklings- och biståndsarbete har vuxit kring frågor om hållbar utveckling och mänskliga rättigheter. Att främja kvinnors deltagande i politiken har blivit en profilfråga. Sedan millennieskiftet betonar IPU särskilt sin roll som parlamentarisk partner till FN.

  • 120.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Behovet av psykologi i statsvetenskaplig analys: Palme i centrum2018In: Det gränslösa samtalet: vänbok till Magnus Jerneck / [ed] Björn Badersten, Jakob Gustavsson & Maria Strömvik, Lund: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift , 2018, p. 163-170Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 121.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Bildt, Carl2009Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 122.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Europarties: A Research Note2015Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper outlines and elaborates the role of Europarties – political parties at European level – in the political system of the European Union (EU). It explores the key role and features of these organisations and claims that they are significant actors, particularly through their mobilisation of political parties and leaders. However, the conditions for Europarty influence are demanding. Europarties can be expected to matter when they are in numerical ascendance, relatively cohesive and able to mobilise their networks of political parties and leaders. These leaders remain first and foremost national politicians, responsible to national electorates. Therefore, Europarty influence and relevance overall remain conditioned on the domestic political context of national parties and leaders. Yet, functional pressures for transnational engagement serve to further institutionalise Europarties.

  • 123.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Europarty Influence and Its Limits: The Case of the European People’s Party and the Amsterdam Treaty2016In: Journal of European Integration, ISSN 0703-6337, E-ISSN 1477-2280, Vol. 38, no 1, p. 79-94Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the conditions for Europarty influence. Europarties can be expected to matter when they are in numerical ascendance, relatively cohesive and able to mobilize their networks of political parties and leaders. The explanatory power of this argument is tested empirically through an in-depth case study: the role of the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) in the negotiations leading to the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997. The article submits and documents that there is a transnational dimension to such treaty reform, that there is Europarty influence but clear limits to such influence. The case demonstrates how factors pertaining to domestic politics, especially in Germany where chancellor Kohl was severely constrained in the search for a compromise over the new treaty, limited the scope for the EPP to more significantly shape the outcome of the treaty negotiations. Accordingly, domestic political context condition Europarty influence.

  • 124.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Europeiska unionen2014In: Internationella relationer / [ed] Jakob Gustavsson & Jonas Tallberg, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2014, 3rd ed., p. 435-452Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 125.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    How Populist Parties Organize2014Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This report explores the question of how populist parties organize and towhat extent they have intrinsic characteristics and are alike in their organization. As this problematique is under-researched there is an important gapin our understanding and knowledge concerning populism and its parties. Largely a synthetic work, the report seeks to fill this void in existing researchthrough an overview of the secondary literature and an inventory ofscattered evidence covering a set of political parties broadly labelled populist. The evidence reveals that these parties in a range of European countrieshave experienced remarkably similar organizational attributes andstyle. A clear pattern has emerged. In a broad comparative perspective,three identifiable patterns are particularly notable as regards the organizationof these parties. The first pattern is centralized organizational structures. The second pattern, and linked to the former, is personalized leadership,which is often but not always based on charismatic authority. Thethird pattern is factionalism or intra-party division.

  • 126.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Larsson, Allan2012Other (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 127.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Statsministern och medierna2018In: Snabbtänkt: Reflektioner från valet 2018 av ledande forskare / [ed] Lars Nord, Marie Grusell, Niklas Bolin & Kajsa Falasca, Sundsvall: Mittuniversitetet, Demicom. , 2018, p. 101-Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 128.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Sweden and the European Union2017In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics / [ed] William R Thompson, Oxford University Press, 2017Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Membership in the European Union (EU) entails adjustments or changes in national democracies. Sweden joined the EU in 1995, and EU membership has given rise to controversies in the public debate as well as in the academic community. Four main scholarly and related themes are addressed here.

    First is the discursive construction of the question of democracy in relation to European integration. In an effort to legitimize membership in the public debate, the consequences in terms of sovereignty were summarized in the official Swedish discourse on EU membership as a loss in formal sovereignty but an increase in real sovereignty. The conclusions became known as the calculus of sovereignty. This conceptual innovation entailed a reinterpretation of popular sovereignty, as stipulated by the Swedish constitution, as well as of democracy, implying that efficiency or problem-solving capacity was emphasized more than procedural democracy. Increased economic and political interdependence had created a situation where independent political decisions were seen as ineffective.

    Second is the controversy surrounding the question of influence and the extent to which Sweden is exerting influence in the EU. This issue came to the fore in connection with the euro referendum in 2003. While some argued that remaining outside the euro would come with a political price—marginalization—others emphasized the lack of evidence for such effects. To some extent, this remains a moot point, not least as a result of the expansion and importance of the euro zone.

    Third is the question of whether or not there is political opposition, that is, conflict rather than consensus in EU affairs. Recent research claims that (allegedly almost nonexistent) previous research had underestimated the degree of political opposition or conflict, notably in parliament. Moreover, results suggest that there is variation in EU opposition across time and policy areas. However, the key question here should be whether or not there is effective opposition, making a difference to policy outcomes. Several reforms have been initiated to strengthen the involvement of the parliament in EU policymaking, but none has really sought to challenge the balance between parliamentary scrutiny and executive discretion.

    Fourth is the state and different interpretations of either decentering or centering effects. Whereas some claim that fragmentation or decentralization is the central feature of the Europeanization of the Swedish state, other researchers submit that the predominant tendency is rather centralization, as the demands of EU decision making—not least EU summitry—on national policy coordination have been a principal driving factor in this process.

    These are the main themes in the debate over the EU and EU membership in Sweden. Included here are a series of analytical narratives and counternarratives, as well as a discussion of important implications for the national democracy and for the distribution or redistribution of power among domestic political actors therein. In sum, any interpretation of modern-day politics must now take into account the significance of the EU, operating through Europeanizing impacts.

  • 129.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    The Emergence of Conservative Parties in the Baltic States: New Parties, Party Entrepreneurs and Transnational Influence2014In: Models of Democracy in Nordic and Baltic Europe : Political Institutions and Discourse / [ed] Nicholas Aylott, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, p. 77-115Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 130.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    The European People's Party and the Amsterdam Treaty2015In: Journal of European Integration History, ISSN 0947-9511, Vol. 21, no 2, p. 269-286Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores and offers an in-depth empirical account of the efforts made by the centre-right and federalist European People’s Party (EPP) to play a role in the 1996-97 Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) and negotiations leading to the adoption of the Amsterdam treaty in 1997. Before and during the course of the IGC the EPP made concerted efforts to muster a consensus around its priorities, concerning institutions as well as issues, and for a substantial treaty reform. EPP bodies convened and set out their views on the IGC, with the purpose of trying to work out compromises and reach agreement on the issues in order to strengthen the position in the IGC negotiations. In sum, there was significant activity in the EPP. The findings carry implications for research on the transnationalization of politics, in particular transnational party and elite networks, and the EU and its constitutionalization.

  • 131.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    The role of Europarties in EU treaty reform: Theory and practice2017In: Acta Politica, ISSN 0001-6810, E-ISSN 1741-1416, Vol. 52, no 3, p. 286-305Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the role of Europarties in the European Union (EU) institutional and constitutional or treaty reform, in decisions and negotiations leading to the adoption of treaties in the 1980s and 1990s. The existing literature on such reform in the EU largely overlooks the role of Europarties in the making of new treaties. Research on EU treaty reform usually operates within a state-centric ontology and framework for analysis. Challenging previous analyses and moving beyond state-centrism and intergovernmentalism, strictly inter-state bargaining, this article offers a complementary transnationalist account of what is happening in the drama of grand bargains or history-making treaty negotiations in the EU. There is a transnational dimension to such treaty reform; there is Europarty mobilization and influence. In conclusion, Europarties matter when they are in numerical ascendance, relatively cohesive and able to mobilize their networks of political parties and leaders.

  • 132.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Malling, Milda
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Nygren, Gunnar
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Sweden: A professionally symbiotic relationship2019In: Close and Distant: Political Executive–Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, p. 97-123Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter explores political executive-media relations in Sweden, with a particular focus on professional day-to-day relationships and habits. The analysis is mainly based on extensive interviews with journalists and government press secretaries, and it establishes the routinisation at work, as well as the professionalisation. The exchanges between journalists and their sources appear to be close but with recognition of each other’s professional roles. Media developments influence the relationship, and the downsizing of newsrooms, multi-platform production 24/7 and increased competition for unique news have made journalists more dependent on available sources. At the same time, professionalisation of government communication makes news management more efficient and has centralising effects on executive systems. Together these trends shift the balance between journalists and their political sources in favour of the latter. The presented findings have important implications for research on journalism, media and political executives.

  • 133.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Nygren, GunnarSödertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries2019Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book explores the interplay between government and media drawing on unique evidence from, and in-depth analysis of, four national cases: Finland, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden. Based on the chapters dedicated to each country, five additional chapters address the following cross-national themes: government communication, social media, formality/informality in journalist-source relations, mediatisation of politics, and political communication culture.

    The book reveals what really goes on between the political executive and the media in everyday practices within these countries. First, it uncovers a process of mediated political-cultural change within media-political systems. Second, it illustrates the work- ings of prime ministerial power and communication aides at this apex of political power and the media and those who work there. Third, it examines both the struggle within governing institutions to control the flow of information and the tensions between civil servants and political aides, and takes the reader through the four media-political con- texts rooted in a deep knowledge of these relationships.

    The result is an illuminating and original analysis of politics, political communication, media and journalism, and offers greater understanding of the realities of government – and democracy – and media in practice as well as the role of media within contemporary politics.

  • 134.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Nygren, Gunnar
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Locked in a mutual dependency: Media and the political executive in close interplay2019In: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, p. 247-259Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 135.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Nygren, Gunnar
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    The interplay of media and the political executive: Introduction and framework2019In: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, p. 9-26Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 136.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Raunio, Tapio
    Tampere University, Finland.
    Government communication in a comparative perspective2019In: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, p. 127-148Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter hypothesises that there is a trend of centralisation in government communication – a move upwards in the political executive towards central coordination and control. We test this argument empirically through an inventory of elite interview evidence and a four-country comparison including two case studies – Finland and Sweden – as well as two case illustrations – Lithuania and Poland. Based on, altogether, over 80 interviews with political journalists and political/media advisors or press secretaries in the four countries, the chapter analyses how government communication is structured. The cases of Finland and Sweden offer support for the centralisation hypothesis while those of Lithuania and Poland point out its limitations. We thus conclude that the extent to which government communication is centralised varies across contexts and that the variation is patterned.

  • 137.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Raunio, Tapio
    Tampere University, Finland.
    Political Parties in the European Union2019In: Oxford Research Encyclopedias of Politics / [ed] William R. Thomson, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Media often portrays European Union (EU) decision-making as a battleground for national governments that defend the interests of their member states. Yet even the most powerful individuals, such as the German chancellor, the French president, or the Commission president, are party politicians. At the same time the consistent empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) means that the party groups of European-level “Europarties”—political parties at European level—are in a key position to shape EU legislation. The Parliament has also become more directly involved in the appointment of the Commission, with the results of EP elections thus influencing the composition of the Commission.

    Examining the “partyness” of European integration, this article argues that scholarly understanding of the role of parties in the EU political system has taken great strides forward since the turn of the millennium. This applies especially to the EP party groups, with research focusing particularly on voting patterns in the plenary. This body of work has become considerably more sophisticated and detailed over the years; it shows that the main EP groups do achieve even surprisingly high levels of cohesion and that the left–right dimension is the primary axis of contestation in the chamber. It nonetheless also emphasizes the continuing relevance of national parties that control candidate selection in EP elections. Considering that most votes in the Parliament are based on cooperation between the two largest groups, the center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the center-left Party of the European Socialists (PES), future research should analyze in more detail how these groups build compromises.

    Actual Europarties, however, remain relatively unexplored. Case studies of treaty reforms or particular policy sectors reveal how individual Europarties have often wielded decisive influence on key integration decisions or key appointments to EU institutions. The Europarty meetings held in conjunction with European Council summits are particularly important in this respect. The regular, day-to-day activities of Europarties deserve more attention, both regarding decision-making and vertical links between national parties and their Europarties. Overall, it is probably more accurate to characterize Europarties as networks of like-minded national parties or as loose federations of member parties, especially when compared with the often centralized and strongly disciplined parties found in the member states.

  • 138.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    A Centre-Right Government takes form in Finland2015In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, no 12 majArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 139.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Agrarian populism in Finland: continuity and change2015In: Rural protest groups and populist political parties / [ed] Strijker, Dirk; Voerman Gerrit & Terluin, Ida, Wageningen: Wageningen Academic Publishers , 2015, p. 217-243Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Agrarian-based populism has an almost uninterrupted presence in Finnish politics. Its various manifestations are analysed in this chapter. The main focus is on party-based agrarian populism: the Finnish Rural Party (1959-1995) and its successor party, the True Finns (from 1995 onwards). The endurance of populism in Finland, apart from its organisation, is due to both continuity in relation to its main appeal – its anti-establishment position, the rhetorical construction of a united and threatened ‘people’, and the restoration of popular sovereignty – and transformations to the contextual references of these core populist ideas. The party that started as an agrarian populist party for rural smallholders is today a populist radical right-wing party, with nationalism, expressed in anti-immigration and anti-EU positions, becoming more salient and more radical for the True Finns. It is concluded that a process of radicalisation took place, which was key to their electoral breakthrough in 2011.

  • 140.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Beppe Grillo - en allsmäktig maktkritiker2013In: Svenska Dagbladet, ISSN 1101-2412, no 3 marsArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 141.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Business as Usual: Ideology and Populist Appeals of the Sweden Democrats2015In: European Populism in the Shadow of the Great Recession / [ed] Hanspeter Kriesi, Takkis S Pappas, Colchester: ECPR Press , 2015, p. 58-80Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 142.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Continuity and convergence: Populism in Scandinavia2017In: The Routledge Handbook of Scandinavian Politics / [ed] Peter Nedergaard; Anders Wivel, London: Routledge, 2017, p. 147-160Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Nordic states – Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Finland 1 – have provided fertile terrain for populism, which is understood here as a ‘thin’ ideology ‘that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic groups – “the pure people” versus the “corrupt elite”, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale’ (Mudde 2004: 543). Populism embraces an anti-establishment position and an idea of two homogenous groups that stand in an antagonistic relationship to one another: ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’. As an ‘empty container’, the ‘people’ can refer to the citizens (demos), ‘our people’ (ethnos) and the ‘ordinary people’ (the ‘common man’) (Canovan 1999). This thin-centred ideology can and ultimately must combine with other ideologies to develop into electorally attractive alternatives. Historically, populism has manifested itself in and married with different, ‘fuller’ ideologies. Consequently, populism can be left- and right-wing – and even agrarian populism.

  • 143.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Convergence by different means: The Finns Party and the Sweden Democrats2015In: Rechtspopulismus und Rechtsextremismus in Europa: Die Herausforderung der Zivilgesellschaft durch alte Ideologien und neue Medien / [ed] Decker, Frank; Henningsen, Berndt and Jakobsen Kjetil, Baden-Baden: Nomos , 2015, 1, p. 187-205Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 144.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Country Case Study Sweden2018In: Triumph of the women?: The Female Face of the Populist & Far Right in Europe / [ed] Elisa Gutsche, Berlin: Forum Politik und Gesellschaft, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung , 2018, , p. 95-104p. 94-105Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 145.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Det reformerade folkinitiativet: erfarenheter 2011-20132013Report (Other academic)
  • 146.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Exporting Nordic Parliamentary Oversight to the European Union2014In: The Paradox of Openness: Transparency and Participation in Nordic Cultures of Consensus / [ed] Götz, Norbert; Marklund, Carl, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2014, p. 190-209Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 147.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Few sweet promises in the Finnish parliamentary elections 20152015In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, no 14 aprilArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 148.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    From the Mainstream to the Margin?: The radicalisation of the True Finns2016In: Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Into the Mainstream? / [ed] Akkerman, Tjitske; de Lange, Sarah L. & Rooduijn, Matthijs, New York: Routledge, 2016, p. 113-143Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 149.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Högerpopulismens återverkningar på EU-samarbetet2015In: Välfärdsgapet: EU:s sociala utmaning / [ed] Bernitz Ulf, Oxelheim Lars, Persson Thomas, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2015, p. 51-87Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 150.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Organisation nyckeln till SDs framgång2014In: Svenska Dagbladet, ISSN 1101-2412, no 14 septemberArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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