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  • 101. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Vogt, Henri
    Aarebrot, Frank H.
    The making of the European Union: foundations, institutions and future trends2006 (ed. 1)Book (Other academic)
  • 102. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Linde, Jonas
    Ekman, Joakim
    An Assessment of Support for Democracy in the New EU Member States2004In: Central Europe beyond Double Enlargemen / [ed] Algimantas Jankauskas, Ramūnas Vilpišauskas, Vilnius: Lithuanian Political Science Association & Vilnius University , 2004, p. 268-Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 103. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Anmeldelse: Mathew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Wattenberg eds ; Mixed-Member Electoral Systems2005In: Tidsskriftet GRUS, ISSN 0107-0495, no 75/76, p. 183-185Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 104. Bergman, Torbjörn
    [Book review of] Bjørn Erik Rasch: Kampen om regjeringsmakten. Norsk parlamentarisme i europeisk perspektiv2005In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning, ISSN 0040-716X, E-ISSN 1504-291X, no 3, p. 420-422Article, book review (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 105. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Demokrati på två nivåer2003In: Valutaunionen, författningsfrågan och östutvidgningen / [ed] Sverker Gustavsson, Lars Oxelheim & Nils Wahl, Stockholm: Santérus , 2003, p. 133-150Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 106. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Introduction: Delegation and accountability in European Integration2000In: Journal of Legislative Studies, ISSN 1357-2334, E-ISSN 1743-9337, Vol. 6, no 1, p. 1-14Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 107. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Parlamentarism2003In: Svensk författningspolitik / [ed] Ingvar Mattson, Olof Petersson, Stockholm: SNS förlag, 2003, 1. uppl., p. 135-152Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 108. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Parliamentary Democracy in Scandinavia: Shifting Dimensions of Citizen Control2004Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 109. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Sweden: Democratic Reforms and Partisan Decline in an Emerging Separation-of-Powers System2004In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 203-225Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Early in the twentieth century, parliamentary democracy developed within an 1809 constitution based on separation of powers. By the mid-1970s, the last remnants of this constitution had disappeared. After that, measures such as more openness in candidate nominations, positive preference voting and more scrutiny by parliamentarians were introduced to strengthen the democratic chain. But a weakening of political parties and an increased importance of external constraints are again moving Sweden towards a de facto separation-of-powers system. There is once again a considerable discrepancy between the written constitutional framework and the ‘working constitution’. In particular, local and supranational constraints on national policy making provide reason for a reconsideration of the constitutional framework.

  • 110. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Sweden: From Separation of Power to Parliamentary Supremacy – and Back Again?2003In: Delegation and Accountability in Parliamentary democracies / [ed] Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C. Müller, Torbjörn Bergman, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2003, p. 594-619Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 111. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Sweden: when minority cabinets are the rule and majority coalitions the exception2000In: Coalition Governments in Western Europe / [ed] Wolfgang C. Müller and Kaare Strøm, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2000, Vol. S. [192]-230 : tab., p. 192-230Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 112. Bergman, Torbjörn
    The European Union as the next step of delegation and accountability2000In: European Journal of Political Research, ISSN 0304-4130, E-ISSN 1475-6765, Vol. 37, no 3, p. 415-429Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Principal–Agent approach guides a comparison of the scrutiny and implementation records of the EU member states. The main argument is that there is systematic co–variation. Cross–nationally, an influential scrutiny process is associated with a strong implementation record. But because both of these variables also co–vary with the North–South dimension of EU politics, a fundamental challenge for future research is to evaluate the importance of existing between–country variation relative to the new Principal–Agent relationships that are emerging within the integration process.

  • 113. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    Parlamentarism per kontrakt?: Blir den svenska innovationen långlivad?2003In: Riksdagens årsbok, ISSN 0346-5470, Vol. 2002/03, p. 4-7Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 114. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Gerber, Elisabeth R.
    Kastner, Scott
    Nyblade, Benjamin
    The Empirical Study of Cabinet Governance2008In: Cabinets and coalition bargaining: the democractic life cycle in Western Europe / [ed] Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C. Müller, Torbjörn Bergman, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2008, p. 85-122Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 115. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Larue, Thomas
    Le régime parlementaire en Suède 2004In: Vers un renouveau du parlementarisme en Europe? / [ed] Olivier Costa, Eric Kerrouche, Paul Magnette, Bruxelles: Editions de l'Université de Bruxelles , 2004, p. 231-254Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 116. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Müller, Wolfgang C.
    Strøm, Kaare
    Comparative parliamentary democracy: a project report2005In: European Political Science, ISSN 1680-4333, Vol. 4, no 1, p. 42-54Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Comparative Parliamentary Democracy project examines West European parliamentary politics from a principal-agent perspective. The project involves thirty-five scholars from Western Europe and the Americas. It has made both conceptual and empirical contributions in the fields of comparative politics, parliamentary democracy in general and coalition politics in particular. In this report, the project leaders present the project, its ᅵstructured collaborationᅵ approach and share some observations on the practice of conducting a large-scale cross-national project.

  • 117. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Müller, Wolfgang C.
    Strøm, Kaare
    Introduction: Parliamentary democracy and the chain of delegation2000In: European Journal of Political Research, ISSN 0304-4130, E-ISSN 1475-6765, Vol. 37, no 3, p. 255-260Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 118. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Müller, Wolfgang C.Strøm, Kaare
    Parliamentary democracy and the chain of delegation: special issue2000Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 119. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Müller, Wolfgang C
    Strøm, Kaare
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Democratic Delegation and Accountability: Cross-national Patterns2003In: Delegation and Accountability in Parliamentary democracies. / [ed] Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C. Müller, Torbjörn Bergman, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2003, p. 109-120Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 120. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Raunio, Tapio
    Parliaments and policy-making in the European Union2001In: European Union: Power and Policy-making / [ed] Jeremy Richardson, London: Routledge , 2001, 2, p. 115-130Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Written by some of the leading authorities in the field, this new edition has been significantly improved to provide students with even more authoritative and comprehensive coverage of how European Union policy is made.

  • 121. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Strøm, Kaare
    Shifting Dimensions of Citizen Control2004In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 89-113Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    European politics is still dominated by representative and parliamentary national systems of policy making. These systems can be seen as chains of political delegation from citizens through parliamentarians and executive office holders to civil servants. In these chains, a major trend for the past thirty years, and more strongly during the second half of that period, is a strengthening of agents’ accountability to the principals. But, simultaneously, citizens’ ability to exercise accountability through parliamentary democracy is eroding because of a decline in political party cohesion. Concurrently, constraints external to both the constitutional chain and political parties are growing stronger.The changes along these three dimensions lead to a situation in which democratic principals commonly decide more about less. Thus, while reforms have strengthened the constitutional parliamentary chain of governance, there is also an ongoing de-parliamentarisation of modern politics. The main motivation for this special issue is to investigate this general phenomenon through a set of focused case studies of the Nordic (here known as ‘Scandinavian’) countries. These analyses show important differences in how these trends have been manifest. In one country, Finland, the parliamentary chain has actually grown in strength and importance in the last decade.

  • 122. Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Adaption or diffusion of the Swedish gender model?2000In: Gendered policies in Europe: reconciling employment and family life / [ed] Linda Hantrais, Basingstoke: Macmillan , 2000, Vol. S. 160-179, p. 160-179Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 123. Bergqvist, Christina
    et al.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Adman, Per
    Kön och politik2008 (ed. 1. uppl.)Book (Other academic)
  • 124.
    Bergsten, Linda
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Nilsson, Madelene
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Huddinge kommun ur ett genusperspektiv: Bild- och textanalys av Huddinge kommuns personaltidning2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this paper is to critically examine and analyze how the informal performance about masculinities and femininity are being expressed and produced by the text and pictures in Huddinge kommuns internal magazine for the staff working within the public administration. The concrete questions are:

    By which patterns constructs the performance of gender in Huddinge kommuns internal magazine for the staff working within the public administration?

    Are the femininity and masculinities being expressed in a static way or have it changed in Huddinge kommuns internal magazine for the staff working within the public administration throw the examined years 1985, 1995 and 2006?

    A quantitative and qualitative method is used. The point of departure is organization theory in a gender perspective. With the gender organization theory we examine the structures, leadership, symbolics and changes through the examined years. Our perspective is a social contructionism.

    Our conclusion is that the patterns about femininity and masculinity changes through the years, but the most significant changes are made by women. That conclusion is in spite of the facts that the quantitative data shows that women have increased by the numbers of pictures.

    The qualitative examination confirms that masculinity is still the norm and therefore women do change more than the man does.

  • 125.
    Bilge, Alper
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Turkiet ser sin framtid i EU: En fallstudie av EU:s påverkan på turkisk demokrati2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The goal of this paper is to analyze the influence of the EU on Turkish democracy. In order to achieve this aim, the paper concentrates on three areas, as representative institutions, opposition parties and freedom of expression. The impact of the EU on Turkey has been more explicit during the last decades. In particular since 1999 when the country became a candidate for membership, and that will eventually lead to Turkey joining the European Union. Thereby this paper will examine the demands EU set up for the country and how Turkey accomplishes these criteria. The first part of the analysis focuses on the conditions EU set up for Turkish membership, while the second part explains Turkey’s progress in meeting those demands.  The theories are Europeanization and the institution of freedom of expression which is part of Polyarchy. These will be used to answer the question: Which demands EU set up for Turkey and to what extent the country applies to those demands? The paper is based on qualitative method as a case study. Turkey has in some areas made progress regard to freedom of expression and representative institutions, however the country must continue with political reforms in those areas.

  • 126.
    Bitar, Sali
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Ånöstam, Matilda
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Yakoob, Linda
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Sidas perspektiv på biståndspolitik: En studie av utvecklingssamarbetet mellan Sverige och Ryssland2007Student paper second term, 5 points / 7,5 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Sweden introduced a development assistance policy in 1952 and thirteen years later Sida, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency started, in 1965. But in 1995, five separate development assistance authorities came together and established the new Sida as it is today. Sida is Sweden’s representative in the development assistance policy field and they work through projects that have to be presented through a Country Strategy Process (CSP). The aim of this paper is to point out Sida’s perspective on the conducted development assistance policy and what guide lines that are followed. The main purpose of the development assistance policy is to create better conditions for the distressed countries. Russia is a country that receives big sums of money from Sida, but the support given is about to be phased out and in 2010 it will be completely terminated. The cooperation with Russia will go through a transition to normal cross-border cooperation as a neighboring country. We have chosen to characterize Sida’s work with Russia and other countries through two perspectives on poverty; an orthodox perspective, which is a more ideologically conservative approach, and an alternative perspective, which is a more liberal approach.

  • 127.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Equal democracies?: Gender and politics in the Nordic countries2001In: Economic and Industrial Democracy, ISSN 0143-831X, E-ISSN 1461-7099, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 311-314Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 128.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University, School of Political Science, Economics and Law, Political science.
    Ethnic Politics and the Soviet Legacy in Latvian Post-Communist Education: The Place of Language2004In: Nationalism & Ethnic Politics, ISSN 1353-7113, E-ISSN 1557-2986, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 105-134Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article concerns Latvian school policy during the 1990s. It is argued that Latvian post-communist school policy bears great similarity with political practice during the time of Soviet rule. The defining feature of present-day Latvian school policy is the privileged status granted the Latvian language and the separation of Latvian children from Russian-speaking children. It is emphasized that the separate school system is a legacy of the Soviet era except that nowadays, official measures favor Latvian rather than Russian-speaking children. Current ethnic politics can thus be seen to exert a strong influence on Latvian society just as it did during the Soviet era and earlier.

  • 129.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Lettland: demos etnos och den politiska makten i en ung demokrati2009In: Det nya Östeuropa: Stat och nation i förändring / [ed] Fredrika Björklund och Johnny Rodin, Lund: Studentlitteratur , 2009, p. 83-108Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 130.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    National identity and school policy in the Latvian context2002In: Sabiedrība un kultūra, rakstu krājums, Liepaja: Liepaja Academy of Pedagogy , 2002, p. 185-198Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 131.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    Neutralitetspolitiken: fredad från demokratin2000In: Människan i historien och samtiden: festskrift till Alf W Johansson / [ed] Fredrika Björklund, Alf W. Johansson, Ragnar Björk, Stockholm: Hjalmarson & Högberg , 2000, p. 15-36Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 132.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Pedagogy of the Nation: Nation-building and education in Latvia2003In: Re-inventing the nation: multidisciplinary perspectives on the construction of Latvian national identity / [ed] Mats Lindqvist, Botkyrka: Multicultural Centre (Mångkulturellt centrum) , 2003, p. 243-292Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 133.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    The East European 'ethnic nation': Myth or reality?2006In: European Journal of Political Research, ISSN 0304-4130, E-ISSN 1475-6765, Vol. 45, no 1, p. 93-121Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article challenges the assumption that there is an essential difference between a West European 'civic' and an East European 'ethnic' conceptualisation of the nation. If there were such a distinction, one should be able to trace a distinctive 'ethnic' concept of the nation among the populations of East European countries. The article analyses public opinion in three East European countries - Latvia, Poland and Lithuania - using a survey of more than 1,100 respondents in each country. This data suggests, first, that we must question the model of a general East European definition of the nation as an ethnic unit. Second, it is evident that the respondents of each country define the nation differently. For example, Latvian respondents presented a specific concept of the nation - one with clear ethnic undertones. A certain number of the Latvian respondents defined members of the nation according to a single criterion: having Latvian as one's mother tongue. The article also shows how we can deconstruct the concepts of the ethnic versus the civic nation, and thus analyse their separate components. This makes the distinction less rigid, and encourages the discovery of different combinations of ethnic and civic arguments. The result should be more nuanced studies of concepts of the nation and of national belonging.

  • 134.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    Södertörn University College, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    The Rhetoric of the Nation: Baltic Germans in the First Latvian Republic2003In: Re-inventing the nation: multidisciplinary perspectives on the construction of Latvian national identity / [ed] Mats Lindqvist, Botkyrka: Multicultural Centre (Mångkulturellt centrum) , 2003, p. 75-122Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 135.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Political Science, Economics and Law, Political science.
    Liubiniene, Vilmante
    Value change: Related to the process of democratisation in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia2004Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    How have people in the three Baltic states changed after the fall of the Soviet Union? Do they trust the new political institutions? How do they look upon gender equality, homosexuality or abortion? What differences are there between the three countries, and how can they be explained? These are some of the questions addressed in this report. The analyses are based on data from a series of surveys carried out as part of the research project "Democracy and Social Transition in the Baltic Sea Region" at Södertörns högskola (University College)

  • 136.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Svenonius, OlaSödertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Video Surveillance and Social Control in a Comparative Perspective2013Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This edited collection reports the results of a comparative study of video surveillance/CCTV in Germany, Poland, and Sweden. It investigates how video surveillance as technologically mediated social control is affected by national characteristics, with a specific concern for recent political history. The book is motivated by asking what makes video surveillance "tick" in three very different cultural settings, two of which (Poland and Sweden) are virtually unexplored in the literature on surveillance. The selection of countries is motivated by an interest in societies with recent experiences of authoritarianism, and how they respond to the global trend towards intensified technical means of control. With thorough empirical studies, the book constitutes an important contribution to security studies, surveillance studies, and post-communist area studies.

  • 137.
    Björklund, Fredrika
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Svenonius, Ola
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Video Surveillance in Theory and as Institutional Practice: Introduction2013In: Video Surveillance and Social Control in a Comparative Perspective / [ed] Björklund, Fredrika & Svenonius, Ola, New York: Routledge, 2013, p. 1-18Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 138.
    Björnstam, Linnéa
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Blockert, Jenny
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Larsson, Jennie K
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Från könsmakt till livspussel: En diskursanalys av begreppet jämställdhet i valrörelserna 2002 och 20062007Student paper second term, 5 points / 7,5 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med analysen har varit att undersöka vilken mening det mångskiftande begreppet jämställdhet får under valrörelserna 2002 och 2006 samt vilka förändringar som har skett. Undersökningen har gjorts genom diskursanalys av partiernas valplattformar från de båda valrörelserna. Med feministisk teori som teoretiskt ramverk har vi analyserat de feministiska diskurser som för en kamp om att fylla jämställdhet med mening och analyserat den förändring som skett. Vårt huvudsakliga resultat är att jämställdhetens mening i båda valrörelserna konstrueras kring Gränsen mellan det privata och offentliga, Våld och Könsmaktsordning eller diskriminering? – och att det är inom dessa områden som kampen om betydelse förs. Mest märkbar är förändringen i Gränsen mellan det privata och det offentliga där det 2002 rådde öppen antagonism mellan en socialistiskt radikalfeministisk diskurs och en konservativ diskurs om familjens betydelse för jämställdheten. 2006 konstrueras jämställdhet i den konservativa diskursen kring familjen, dess valfrihet och möjligheten att pussla ihop arbete med familjeliv, samtidigt som den socialistiskt radikalfeministiska diskursens position har försvagats.

  • 139.
    Björnstam, Linnéa
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Larsson, Jennie K
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Individen i det offentliga, familjen i det privata - en jämställdhetspolitisk paradox?: en diskursanalys av regeringens arbetsmarknads- och familjepolitik2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper takes it points of departure in a gender equality perspective and the perceived paradox between the governmental labour market policy and family policy. The first policy area has the aim to put people to work, whereas the other introduces a reform, vårdnadsbidraget, that point in the opposite direction. Which are the problem representations within the two policy areas and are the problem representations concordant or contradictive? From a constructivist perspective, langue is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. Drawing on political documents, speeches and articles formulated within the government, this paper analyzes problem representations through the use of discourse analysis and feminist political theory. The main conclusion of this paper is that there are contradictions within the problem representations, both within and between the two policy areas. The most significant contradiction is that gender equality within labour market policy is formulated around the individual, whilst in family politics it is based on the family as a unit.

  • 140.
    Björnstjerna, Magnus
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Reexamining Nordic Security: A Case Study on Contemporary Nordic Security Cooperation2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 30 credits / 45 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study explores the driving forces and motives behind contemporary Nordic security cooperation. It asks and investigates whether the security cooperation has a foundation based on a shared (peace) identity or is founded on rational and functionalistic calculations. Through applying a theoretical model based on the theory of Regional Security Complexes the study reveal how external and internal transformations affect the Nordic nations and forces them to respond. The study reveals how both these factors are important when explaining the responses of the Nordic states and the development of the Nordic security cooperation. While national strategies differ there is a need to look to the own region which has led the Nordic states to search for a security structure at home. The study concludes that all of the Nordic nations have had to respond to a changing external environment which has put pressure on their defense budgets which problematizes their national foreign policy and security strategies. A strong Nordic amity and tradition of cooperation has eased a stronger formal structure which increases cost-effectiveness and functionalism for the Nordic states security structures. This structure has replaced older identity based and influence searching structures. Conclusively, contemporary Nordic security cooperation can be said to increase the Nordic states‟ security while simultaneously letting them follow their national security strategies. Norden is thus regaining importance and Nordic security cooperation show that the region is both active and proactive in dealing with their regional issues.

  • 141.
    Blecher, Martin
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences.
    Vilka skillnader och likheter finns mellan UNHCR:s och UNRWA:s syn på flyktingar?: En komparativ studie mellan FN:s två flyktingorgan2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Research about what differences and similarities exists between UNHCR and UNRWA in the opinion of a refugee?

    This examination focuses on a study between The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and THE United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Both organizations are UN-related and are in charge of refugees, however they differ by the fact the UNHCR controls all of the world’s refugees with the exception of the Palestinian refugees, for which UNRWA. The aim of this work will be to examine the definition of refugees as well as their entitlements and in what way they differ depending on which organization they belong to.

    As theory I have, among others, used Rainer Bauböck’s book ” Transnational Citizenship”. In his writing he focuses on entitlements and this book became very useful in my work and helped with the structure of the paper.

    In conclusion, even though there is some resemblance in the aspect of a refugee’s entitlements, there are a lot of differences between UNHCR and UNRWA, mainly regarding the definition of a refugee but also in terms of assignments. What’s most noticeable when it comes to differences between these two organs is that UNHCR has mandate to assist with international protection and to seek permanent solutions for refugees. The mandate of UNRWA is limited to only assist Palestinian refugees with humanitarian assistance. UNRWA has been criticized to contribute directly to Palestinian dreams of return instead of accepting incorporation of refugees in neigbouring Arab countries.

  • 142.
    Blomberg, Eva
    Södertörn University College, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Revolutionary outsiders in Sweden: reclaiming human dignity2009In: Political outsiders in Swedish history, 1848-1932 / [ed] Lars Edgren, Magnus Olofsson, Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars , 2009, p. 75-105Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 143. Blomgren, Magnus
    et al.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    EU och Sverige: ett sammanlänkat statsskick2005 (ed. 1. uppl.)Book (Other academic)
  • 144.
    Blomqvist, Anders
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    Competing Historical Narratives: [Review of] Brubaker, Rogers et al: Nationalist Politics and Everyday Ethnicity in a Transylvanian Town'. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton UP, 2007 ISBN 978-0-691-12834-42009In: East Central Europe, ISSN 0094-3037, E-ISSN 1876-3308, Vol. 36, no 1, p. 138-146Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 145.
    Blomqvist, Anders
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    Den ungerska minoriteten i Rumänien: Från våldsam konflikt till gemensamt styre2006In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, no 2, p. 179-200Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 146.
    Bodin, Fredrik
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Klimatförändringar, ett problem för vem?: En institutionell policystudie om könets betydelse i svensk klimatpolitik 2009Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The UN has a goal to gender-mainstream all politics, but its politics in climate change is not gender-sensitive. The Swedish government has the same goal concerning gender mainstreaming, but does the Swedish politics of climate change reach this goal? The aim of this paper is to examine the relations between the Swedish politics of gender and climate change. In addition, the aim is also to investigate how gender is constructed in the climate politics. To reach these aims, an institutional, policy and gender analysis is used. The paper concludes that the climate change politics is built upon several policy processes, however the gender policy process has little influence in the climate change policy. Generally, gender is not constructed in the climate change policy, it appears that gender is only constructed in a context of poverty. 

  • 147.
    Bolin, Niklas
    et al.
    Mittuniversitet.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Centre for the Study of Political Organization.
    The Price of Power: The Greens in the 2018 Swedish Parliamentary Election2019In: Environmental Politics, ISSN 0964-4016, E-ISSN 1743-8934, Vol. 28, no 3, p. 568-573Article, review/survey (Other academic)
  • 148. Bolin, Niklas
    et al.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    The Swedish Parliamentary Election of September 20062006Report (Other academic)
  • 149.
    Borevi, Karin
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Uppsala universitet.
    Familj, medborgarskap, migration: Sveriges politik för anhöriginvandring i ett jämförande perspektiv2018Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the 1980s, family migration is the most common reason for foreign citizens outside the Nordic countries to be granted the right to settle in Sweden. Family migration cover cases when a person who already live in a country reunites with a family member from another country.

    In June 2016, Sweden introduced a law on temporary restrictions in the possibility to achieve residence permit. The law was a direct result of the record-breaking immigration of asylum seekers experienced during the fall 2015. The measure was presented by the government as a necessity to protect the asylum reception system, as well as other central societal functions, from the strains caused by the large inflow of asylum seekers. One area where the 2016 rule changes have had the largest impact is family migration, which is the focus of study in this report. In particular, the stricter regulations meant that persons granted subsidiary protection status had very limited chances to get the right to reunite with their close family members. But the rule changes implied stricter regulations in relation to family migration affecting also other categories, and the Swedish population at large, e.g. in relation to support and housing requirements to be allowed to bring in a partner from a country outside of the EU.

    Adopting a comparative perspective, this study analyses how the recent Swedish changes in family migration regulations relate (1) to existing EU legislation; (2) to other countries’ national regulations and (3) to arguments and considerations previously put forward in the Swedish policy debate, as well as arguments reflected in family migration policy debates in the neighboring countries Denmark and Norway.

    The report begins with an introductory section describing the study’s aims, points of departure, method and delimitations. Thereafter follows a section which includes an overview of the numbers of family migrants in relation to other migrant categories, and a review of international research on family migration policies. The section provides a discussion about what principles, interests and values are at stake in this policy field. It is established that, besides migration policy concerns, issues revolving around family migration also bring to the fore central aspects of integration, citizenship and a society’s core values. A common European policy trend – identified in the literature as a “civic turn” in immigrant integration – is particularly highlighted. The trend reflects a renewed interest among states across Europe to actively strengthen and protect the national identity via formulation of new or sharpened requirements targeted at immigrants. Access to permanent residence permit, national citizenship or the right to reunite with a family member from abroad may for instance be conditioned with the applicant’s knowledge in the receiving state’s language, history and culture. Family migration policies potentially involve a “double conditionality” in the sense that integration requirements can be targeted both at the foreign family migrant and at the sponsor.

    The empirical study is divided in two parts. In the first part an overview is presented (based on MIPEX 2015) of family migration policy regulations in the 28 EU member states plus Norway and Switzerland. The overview concerns four categories conditions and demands that (under certain conditions) the EU family reunification directive allows states to use: (1) requirements on status of residence and residence time; (2) age requirements; (3) support and housing requirements and (4) language and integration requirements. Discussing the member states’ commitments according to the directive and giving an overview of existing legislation in differeing countries, this analysis contributes to concretize what the “EU minimum level” may imply. The empirical study in this part also gives an account of how the Swedish legislation positions itself in relation to the “EU minimum level” before and after the temporary law of 2016.

    The second part of the report study central policy processes in Sweden, Denmark and Norway which preceded decisions to introduce new or tougher demands and restrictions on family migration – or to reject such changes. The analysis provides a broad account of policy development in the three countries, from the turn of the millennium up to 2016, identifying what considerations, arguments and problem representations have guided the decisions. One conclusion of this analysis is that the large asylum migration in 2015 provoked reforms and changes in regulations in all three countries. But whereas the changes in Denmark and Norway were in line with policy development which had been noted during a very long (Denmark) or rather long (Norway) period of time, in Sweden the changes are to be described in terms of a sudden and paradigmatic migration policy change.

    In the last section the conclusions of the study and what insights can be drawn from them in relation to future policy decisions are discussed. The report shows that the Swedish 2016 changes in family migration regulations represented a dramatic deviation from previous policies, motivated solely as a way to reduce asylum immigration. The intention was to adjust Swedish rules to the EU minimum level, in order not deviate as the country with more generous rules. For future policy decisions there is however a need of a more profound and elaborated debate and analysis, which in earnest takes into consideration the different core principles and values which are at stake in family migration.

  • 150.
    Borevi, Karin
    Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Välfärdsstaten i det mångkulturella samhället2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The theoretical point of departure in this dissertation proposes that the liberal welfare state includes a fundamental logic of integration, viewing the attainment of social equality between different categories in society as a main condition for social integration. But how can this logic of integration be applied to a multicultural society? Is trying to achieve equal access to certain socio-economic standards sufficient, or does cultural diversity call for other measures in order to fulfill the aim of equality and integration?

    In this study it is argued that the liberal welfare state in a multicultural society is confronted with three tensions. Firstly there is a tension between the welfare state’s aim to promote equality and freedom for the individual and at the same time to fulfill certain collective interests and goals. Secondly there is a tension between on the one hand the aim to promote integration within the community of citizens – demos – and on the other hand to tolerate (or even to actively promote) the fact that citizens also enjoy membership in different ethnic communities – ethnos. Thirdly there is a tension between a policy strategy that is general in the sense that all citizens are in principle involved as recipients, and a policy strategy that is targeted as it identifies only members of a certain category of the population as its recipients.

    These three tensions are used as Weberian ideal types in analyzing the Swedish discourse about policies targeted towards immigrants over a period of 30 years. The study includes an analysis of the discourse within four separate policy areas: the general policy towards immigrants, policies towards immigrants’ voluntary associations, educational policies and housing policies. The empirical results show that, over time, the discourse has moved from a multicultural policy towards a position of civic assimilation.

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