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  • 101.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Vart tog EU vägen i valrörelsen?2006In: Internationella studier, ISSN 0020-952X, no 2, p. 60-70Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 102.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    When median-legislator theory fails: the Swedish Greens in 1998 and 20022011In: Puzzles of Government Formation: Coalition theory and deviant cases / [ed] Rudy W Andeweg, Lieven De Winter, Patrick Dumont, London: Routledge, 2011, p. 44-64Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 103. Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Blomgren, Magnus
    The European Parliament Election in Sweden, June 13 20042004Report (Other academic)
  • 104.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Blomgren, Magnus
    Umeå universitet.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Umeå universitet.
    Political Parties in Multi-Level Polities: The Nordic Countries Compared2013 (ed. 1)Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Political parties are essential for parliamentary democracy, the form of government that prevails in most European states. But how have parties adapted to modern society – not least a new layer of political decision-making in the EU? Should we talk of a crisis of party democracy?

    This book reports the findings of a comparative survey of parties in four Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland and Sweden, all EU member states; and Norway, which remains outside the Union. Using original data, it explores how power is exercised within party organisations and their respective parliamentary groups.

    Within an analytical framework that envisages a party as a series of delegation relationships, the book illuminates how leaders are chosen, how election candidates are selected, how manifestos are written – and how a party's various elements are co-ordinated. For all the challenges posed by multi-level governance, parties retain much of their capacity for making democracy work.

  • 105.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Centre for the Study of Political Organization.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mid Sweden University.
    A party system in flux: the Swedish parliamentary election of September 20182019In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 42, no 7, p. 1504-1515Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the Swedish parliamentary election of 7 September 2018, the biggest parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderates, both lost votes compared to their scores in the previous election, but not as many as they had feared. Commensurately, the radical-right challenger party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), which had seemed certain to profit from Sweden's dramatic experience of the European migration crisis, did well, but not as well as it had hoped. The result left the array of parliamentary forces fragmented and finely balanced. Only after months of negotiations could a government be formed. Eventually, the incumbent coalition received a renewed parliamentary mandate. At the same time, the party system was transformed.

  • 106.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mittuniversitetet.
    Managed Intra-Party Democracy: Precursory Delegation and Party Leader Selection2017In: Party Politics, ISSN 1354-0688, E-ISSN 1460-3683, Vol. 23, no 1, p. 55-65Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The question of how party leaders are selected has recently, and belatedly, come under systematic comparative scrutiny. If it is the location of intra-party power that interests us, however, it might be that some of the more observable indicators in such processes, such as the identity of the selectorate, are not actually the most revealing ones. Using a delegation perspective, we thus present a framework for analysing prior steps in leader selection and relate it to various ideal-typical constellations of intra-party power. The framework encompasses, first, what we call precursory delegation, with focus especially on an agent that, formally or informally, manages the selection process before it reaches the selectorate. Second, the framework takes account of the degree to which the process is managed rather than left open to free competition between leader candidates. We illustrate the framework primarily with instances of leader selection in two Swedish parties.

  • 107.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mittuniversitetet.
    Polarising Pluralism: The Swedish Parliamentary Election of September 20142015In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 38, no 3, p. 730-740Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 108.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Bolin, Niklas
    Mid Sweden University.
    The Swedish Greens: a big step forward – and several steps back2015In: Environmental Politics, ISSN 0964-4016, E-ISSN 1743-8934, Vol. 24, no 2, p. 337-341Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The parliamentary election of 14 September 2014 induced decidedly mixed feelings in the Swedish Green Party (Miljöpartiet de gröna). It led to the ejection of the centre-right government and the installation, for the first time, of Green cabinet ministers. However, the party also experienced a small but unexpected loss of votes compared to its score in the previous election. Moreover, partly because a far-right party built impressively on its breakthrough into the national parliament in 2010, the new government rests on a precariously narrow parliamentary base.

  • 109.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Bolin, Niklas
    Towards a two-party system?: The Swedish parliamentary election of September 20062007In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 30, no 3, p. 621-633Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 110.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Ikstens, Jānis
    University of Lativa.
    Lilliefeldt, Emelie
    Swedish Confederation of Professional Associations.
    Ever More Inclusive?: Candidate Selection in North European Democracies2014In: Models of Democracy in Nordic and Baltic Europe : Political Institutions and Discourse / [ed] Nicholas Aylott, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, p. 117-152Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 111.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Är nordisk demokrati en exportvara?2011In: Ett nordiskt rum: historiska och framtida gemenskaper från Baltikum till Barents hav / [ed] Jenny Björkman, Björn Fjæstad and Jonas Harvard, Stockholm: Makadam Förlag, 2011, p. 136-141Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 112.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Morales, Laura
    Ramiro, Luis
    Some Things Change, A Lot Stays the Same: Comparing the Country Studies2007In: The Europeanization of national political parties: power and organizational adaptation / [ed] Thomas Poguntke, London: Routledge, 2007, p. 175-194Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 113.
    Aylott, Nicholas
    et al.
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Rosén Sundström, Malena
    The European Parliament Election in Sweden, June 20092009Report (Other academic)
  • 114.
    Backlund, Anders
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Isolation and Policy Co-Optation: The Path Dependency of the Swedish Cordon Sanitaire2016Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    As populist radical right parties have become electorally successful throughout Europe, mainstream parties have been adopting more restrictive immigration policies in order to win back voters, in what has been labelled a "contagion of the right". Sweden, however, has been a deviant case both in a comparative European context and in relation to influential theories of party competition. Despite the electoral threat from a growing radical right party (the Sweden Democrats) during the last decade, no other party engaged in any significant policy co-optation prior to the 2014 elections. In this paper I consider multiple explanations for this deviance derived from empirical and theoretical literature and mapped onto an analytical framework distinguishing between the party goals policy, office, and votes. The empirical material consists of survey data, statements from party representatives, and parliamentary voting patterns. I find the goal-oriented explanations to be only partially satisfactory, and go on to explore the possibility that the deviance can be explained by the institutionalisation of the Swedish cordon sanitaire – the commitment by all other parties to politically isolate the Sweden Democrats. The path dependency of the cordon sanitaire, I argue, became a behavioural constraint that effectively hindered parties from legitimately engaging in the co-optation of SD policies, until it was removed by the external shock of the 2015 "refugee crisis".

  • 115.
    Backlund, Anders
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Placing radical right parties in political space: Four methods applied to the case of the Sweden Democrats2013Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Within political science, there are numerous methodological approaches to estimating the policy positions of political actors. Such methods are often used to examine party systems as a whole, but little research has been done on testing them in the context of parties that deviate from the political mainstream, such as populist radical right (PRR) parties. This study evaluates four common approaches, (1) expert surveys, (2) manual content analysis, (3) dictionary-based content analysis, and (4) Wordfish, by applying them to the PRR party the Sweden Democrats. Election manifestos, being considered the most authoritative statements of official party policy, are used as the empirical basis of the content analyses. Results show an overall high degree of convergent validity along economic and socio-cultural policy dimensions, but also suggest an advantage for the more qualitative methods 1 and 2, as the frequency-based methods (3 and 4) face problems with the context-dependence of words, linguistic volatility and data scarcity on issues of low salience, difficulties that are related to the characteristics of the Sweden Democrats. Manual content analysis and expert surveys do not face these issues, but instead need to deal with reliability and bias. If the former compensates by averaging multiple codings and the latter focuses on clearly defined policy-specific dimensions, these two methods – ideally in combination – are more appropriate than frequency-based approaches in the analysis of parties similar to the Sweden Democrats.

  • 116.
    Backlund, Anders
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences.
    The Sweden Democrats in Political Space: Estimating policy positions using election manifesto content analysis2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In the Swedish general elections of 2010, the party the Sweden Democrats for the first time entered the parliament. In an election otherwise characterised by competition between two explicit political blocs, the Sweden Democrats profiled itself as a party free from ideological blinders, ready to represent the will of the people. Commonly referred to as a populist party, there is considerable disagreement about where in the Swedish political space the party actually belongs. At the same time, there exist within political science a multitude of methodological approaches aimed at answering such questions. By combining election manifesto content analysis and survey-based approaches, the study of this paper presents cross-validated estimates of where in Swedish political space the Sweden Democrats belong. The study also evaluates strengths and weaknesses of the different approaches to the estimation of policy positions in the specific context of the Sweden Democrats. The party is found to be economically centrist but highly authoritarian, making it an outlier along both a "traditional" and a Swedish left-right continuum. Some methodological difficulties that may be particularly important to consider when analyzing parties such as the Sweden Democrats, e.g. bias, dimensional salience and linguistic volatility, are suggested.

  • 117.
    Backlund, Anders
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Populist Radical Right Party-Voter Policy Representation in Western Europe2019In: Representation: Journal of Representative Democracy, ISSN 0034-4893, E-ISSN 1749-4001Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this study we assess policy representation by populist radical right (PRR) parties in ten West European countries. Going beyond aggregate left-right or socio-cultural (GAL-TAN) dimensions of political conflict, we study representation on policy issues related to the PRR parties’ core ideological features nativism, populism, and authoritarianism. Analysing data from party expert and voter surveys, we find that the PRR parties provide largely unique policy positions that are congruent with their voters’ preferences in terms of their opposition to immigration and the European Union. By contrast, the parties are less representative in terms of their value conservative and authoritarian positions on gay rights and civil liberties. The findings have relevance for our understanding of party strategy, voter behaviour, and the dimensionality of political competition.

  • 118.
    Bah, Ida
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    Gender inequality and HIV/AIDS in Zambia: A study of the links between gender inequality and women's vulnerability to HIV/AIDS2005Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 20 points / 30 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Today it has been estimated that 40 million people worldwide are carrying the deadly virus known as HIV. Despite the fact that the virus can affect men and women alike, an increasing proportion of people living with HIV are women and girls, and this proportion is continuing to grow. This writing is dedicated to explore the factors that drive the epidemic.

    The purpose of this paper is to explore the links between gender inequality and women's vulnerability to HIV/AIDS as well as to enhance our understanding of what is it like to be a young woman in Zambia, a country where the HIV/AIDS epidemic has hit hard. The research is done through a qualitative study with secondary sources and interviews as means of collecting data. The point of departure is theories of gender inequality, where the patriarchal structures and men's domination over women are explained.

    The result of this study is that gender inequality, the subordination of women and men's predatory behaviour are major contributors of the epidemic, the larger numbers of women with HIV/AIDS and the women's younger age.

  • 119. Bale, Tim
    et al.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    A Taste of Honey Is Worse Than None at All?2006In: Party Politics, ISSN 1354-0688, E-ISSN 1460-3683, Vol. 12, no 2, p. 189-202Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Some parties support rather than join the executive, thereby operating in a grey area between opposition and office – in governance but not in government. Previous research on the New Zealand Greens’ experience as a support party has shown that this liminal position may prove a blessing or a curse – or, more likely, a mixture of both. This article compares the experience of the Swedish Greens. While the Swedish party gained more on policy, it suffered the same frustrations as its Kiwi counterpart with regard to consultation, to the media and to a government that could potentially find support elsewhere. It, too, avoided overwhelming internal tensions, but was likewise left wanting more. Neither party broke into government at the next election, but tried to put lessons learned into practice when supporting centre–left cabinets once again. That the challenges encountered were so similar suggests the possibility that they are common to support parties elsewhere.

  • 120. Bale, Tim
    et al.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Captives No Longer, but Servants Still?: Contract Parliamentarism and the New Minority Governance in Sweden and New Zealand2006In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 41, no 3, p. 422-449Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract Recent years have seen the institutionalization of minority governance in Sweden and New Zealand. Large, historic social democratic labour parties enjoy comparative security of tenure thanks to smaller, newer parties with whom they have signed long-term, detailed support agreements covering both policy and process. This trend toward ‘contract parliamentarism’ owes much to party-system dynamics, but also to the accretion of experience, to cultural norms and to institutional constraints – all of which, along with electoral contingency, explain why the trend has gone slightly further in one polity than in the other. While the trend seems to favour the left in general, its implications for the support or ‘servant’ parties, and – more normatively – for democracy itself, may be less favourable.

  • 121.
    Balčytienė, Auksė
    et al.
    Vytautas Magnus University, Kaunas, Lithuania.
    Malling, Milda
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Journalism.
    Lithuania: Media-politics interaction shaped by benefits-oriented reasoning2019In: Close and Distant: Political Executive-Media Relations in Four Countries / [ed] Karl Magnus Johansson & Gunnar Nygren, Gothenburg: Nordicom, 2019, p. 5-74Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter discusses how media and political information sources navigate change and adjust their needs-oriented behaviour to changing conditions. The results presented are based on 20 qualitative interviews with leading political journalists as well as government advisors and spokespersons in Lithuania. Although media and political sources gain power in different situations, both sides function in reciprocal interconnectedness. Formal contacts are quite consistent and professionalised, but they continue to work in the shadow of informal social networks, which create their own power relationships, dynamics and hierarchical structures. Though the findings are contextually fashioned, the views regarding the interaction indicate broader trends of communication professionalisation identified also in other cultures and political conditions.

  • 122.
    Bartonek, Anders
    Södertörn University, School of Culture and Communication, Philosophy.
    Hegels dialektik och dess överskridande: Adornos och Agambens skisser av ett med-varandra2012In: Tid för Europa: Gemenskap, minne, hopp / [ed] Jon Wittrock, Göteborg: Daidalos, 2012, p. 79-97Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 123.
    Baserdem, Özgür
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences.
    Relationen mellan Europeiska Unionen och Vitryssland: En kvalitativ studie om hur Vitryssland debatterats i Europaparlamentet i samband med parlamentsvalen i landet år 2004 och 20082013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    A qualitative document analysis is used to answer the aim of this thesis that is to find out if the relation between the European Union and Belarus has changed from confrontational to reparational in between the two parliamentary elections that was held in the country in the years of 2004 and 2008. The study focuses on debates from the European parliament in association to the elections in Belarus to see if the rhetoric used in the debates have changed. It is found that the rhetoric used in the European parliament after the 2004 election in Belarus are extremely confrontational and the members of the debate expresses their thoughts of Belarus in a rather harsh way. It has also been found that the rhetoric used in the European parliament after the 2008 election in Belarus are more diplomatic and have the tendencies of a warmer relation to Belarus although there are still some confrontational views among the members.

  • 124.
    Bassin, Mark
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, History of Ideas. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Lev Gumilev and the European New Right2015In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 43, no 6, p. 840-865Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The striking affinities that have developed between radical-conservative movements in Western Europe and Russia since the end of the Cold War have been widely noted. This essay considers these affinities through the example of the Soviet historian and geographer Lev Nikolaevich Gumilev (1912–1992). It argues that Gumilev and the European New Right developed perspectives that were highly comparable, founded on similar principles, and articulated through similar images and allusions. Yet despite the powerful resonances in terms of basic concepts and theoretical orientation, there were nonetheless deep differences in terms of the conclusions regarding the practical implications for their respective societies that Gumilev and the Europeans deduced from these principles.

  • 125.
    Bassin, Mark
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES). Södertörn University, School of Culture and Communication, History of ideas.
    The Emergence of Ethno-Geopolitics in Post-Soviet Russia2009In: Eurasian geography and economics, ISSN 1538-7216, E-ISSN 1938-2863, Vol. 50, no 2, p. 131-149Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 126.
    Bassin, Mark
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, History of Ideas. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    "What is more important: blood or soil?": Rasologiia contra Eurasianism2017In: The politics of Eurasianism: identity, popular culture and Russia's foreign policy / [ed] Bassin, Mark ; Pozo, Gonzaldo, London: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2017, p. 39-58Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 127.
    Bassin, Mark
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, History of Ideas. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Pozo, GonzaloStockholm Univeristy.
    The politics of Eurasianism: identity, popular culture and Russia's foreign policy2017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 128.
    Bech, Emily Cochran
    et al.
    Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark.
    Borevi, Karin
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Mouritsen, Per
    Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark.
    A ‘civic turn’ in Scandinavian family migration policies? Comparing Denmark, Norway and Sweden2017In: Comparative Migration Studies, ISSN 2214-8590, E-ISSN 2214-594X, Vol. 5, no 1, article id 7Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Family migration policy, once basing citizens and resident foreigners’ possibilities to bring in foreign family members mainly on the right to family life, is increasingly a tool states use to limit immigration and to push newcomers to integrate into civic and economic life. The family migration policies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden range widely – from more minimal support and age requirements to high expectations of language skills, work records and even income levels. While in Denmark and increasingly in Norway growing sets of requirements have been justified on the need to protect the welfare state and a Nordic liberal way of life, in Sweden more minimal requirements have been introduced in the name of spurring immigrants’ labor market integration even as rights-based reasoning has continued to dominate. In all three countries, new restrictions have been introduced in the wake of the refugee crisis. These cases show how prioritizations of the right to family life vis-à-vis welfare-state sustainability have produced different rules for family entry, and how family migration policies are used to different extents to push civic integration of both new and already settled immigrants.

  • 129. Beckman, Björn
    et al.
    Brandell, Inga
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Sachinkoye, Lloyd
    Salih, Mohamed
    Consolidation and Renewal: Codesria in the New Millenium2007Report (Other academic)
  • 130.
    Beckman, Svante
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för studier av samhällsutveckling och kultur ; Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten.
    Tomson, Klara
    Södertörn University, School of Business Studies, Business studies.
    Köping Olsson, Ann-Sofie
    Södertörn University, School of Business Studies, Business studies.
    Vision: Kulturpolitik för Västra Götaland2010Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    I den skriftliga rapporten ska utvärderarna inledningsvis ge en bakgrund till visionsdokumentets roll och betydelse för den regionala kulturpolitiken samt sätta dokumentet i relation till likartade dokument i ett nationellt perspektiv. Utvärderarna ska även i ett avslutande kapitel eller avsnitt ge rekommendationer och riktlinjer inför Kulturnämndens fortsatta arbete med en ny regional kulturvision.

    • Har Kulturvisionen inspirerat till ett större engagemang för kultur blandmedborgarna?
    • Har Kulturvisionens mål uppnåtts och/eller har målvärdena i ökad grad realiserats ikulturlivet?
    • Har Kulturvisionens tankesätt, värderingar, policyprinciper och mål slagit igenom - blivit bekanta och omfattade hos beslutsfattare/handläggare/utförare/brukare/medborgare
    • Har Kulturvisionen kommit till användning i policyprocessen?
    • Har Kulturvisionen bidragit till att utveckla policyområdet?
  • 131.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan: Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 132.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    Praying for change: Islamic opposition in Post-Soviet Azerbaijan2008In: L’Azerbaïdjan: Au centre dénjeux globaux / [ed] Makinsky, Michael & Vinatier, Laurent, EurOrient , 2008, no 28, p. 131-150Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Having over the years failed to deliver any substantial results, the Azerbaijani political opposition is by many observers considered to have lost the support of the general public. Furthermore, the decay of the secular opposition after the last election (2005) has caused observers to speculate on the risk of radical political Islam becoming the preferred alternative in Azerbaijan. However, most of the religious mobilization it is already possible to witness in Azerbaijan has very little to do with what we understand as ‘political Islam’ in for example a Middle Eastern context. Rather, these groups have a lot in common with other, not necessarily religious, social movements aiming to change various aspects of societal life

  • 133.
    Bedford, Sofie
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    'Wahhabis', democrats and everything in between: The development of Islamic activism in post-Soviet Azerbaijan2007In: Ethno-Nationalism, Islam and the State in the Caucasus: Post-Soviet Disorder / [ed] Moshe Gammer, London: Routledge, 2007, p. 194-211Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Azerbaijan, like other former Soviet republics, experienced something of a religious ‘boom’ after independence, as religion re-emerged in public life. The 17 mosques that had existed in Soviet times suddenly mushroomed into thousands, other places of worship were restored, many religious organizations registered and the opportunity to study religion in the country as well as to travel to religious universities abroad was made possible.1 When Azerbaijan became independent it was decided that the country would distance itself from the atheist policies of the Soviet Union, but stay a strictly secular state. Nevertheless Azerbaijani leaders have at times used religion to strengthen their leadership. Former President Heydar Aliyev demonstrated his commitment to religion already during his inauguration by swearing the presidential oath on the Constitution as well as the Qura’n. Later he made sure to celebrate officially almost every important Muslim holiday.2 Still, he made a point of keeping the clear-cut difference established during Soviet times between ‘official’ and ‘unofficial’ Islam, the former being under government control. This became particularly clear after 1997 when a number of laws were introduced that sharply decreased the autonomy of religious organizations.

  • 134.
    Behtoui, Alireza
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Sociology. Stockholms universitet.
    Boréus, Kristina
    Uppsala universitet.
    Neergaard, Anders
    Linköpings universitet.
    Yazdanpanah, Soheyla
    Södertörn University, School of Culture and Education, Gender Studies.
    Att verka för jämlika arbetsplatser: En studie av jämlikhet och ojämlikhet mellan anställda i äldrevården2017Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Populärvetenskaplig rapport från ett projekt om ojämlikhet mellan kvinnliga och manliga anställda och mellan anställda från olika delar av världen i svensk äldrevård samt förslag till förbättrad jämlikhet på arbetsplatserna.

  • 135.
    Belokurova, Elena
    Södertörn University College.
    Russian political science on regional politics2000Report (Other academic)
  • 136.
    Bendrath, Ralf
    et al.
    University of Bremen, Germany.
    Eriksson, Johan
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science. Swedish Institute of International Affairs.
    Giacomello, Giampiero
    Università di Bologna, Italy.
    From Cyberterrorism to Cyberwar, Back and Forth: How the United States Securitized Cyberspace2007In: International relations and security in the digital age / [ed] Johan Eriksson and Giampiero Giacomello, London: Routledge, 2007, p. 57-82Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 137.
    Beneš, Vít
    et al.
    Institute of International Relations, Prague.
    Braun, Mats
    Institute of International Relations, Prague.
    An ever-closer eurozone and its consequences for differentiated integration in Europe2014In: Differentiated Integration in Europe: from the inside looking out / [ed] Steven Blockmans, Brussels: The Centre for European Policy Studies, 2014, p. 12-25Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 138.
    Beneš, Vít
    et al.
    Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales de Praga.
    Braun, Mats
    Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales de Praga.
    The Czech EU policy: domestic political context and key priorities2011In: Revista de Historia Actual, ISSN 1697-3305, Vol. 9, no 9, p. 65-79Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article summarizes the ideological points of departure, the domestic political context and the key priorities of the Czech Republic’s European policy since 2007. We have identified three most important (and most controversial) topics: 1) the Czech EU presidency, 2) the Lisbon Treaty and 3) the eurozone. The most significant event for the country during the period was the Council Presidency in 2009; which actually delivered some concrete results but will probably most be remembered for the accompanying domestic quarrels. The Lisbon Treaty ratification exemplified the divisions among the country’s political elite; with a powerful group of euro-sceptics who advocate the loosening of the European integration and who are increasingly opposed to the Czech Republic’s participation in EU’s (or eurozone’s) policies. The eurozone crisis hardened Czech opposition to euro. The majority of politicians and the general public intend to remain outside of the euro-zone, the country is moving in the direction of ‘splendid isolation’.

  • 139.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF).
    Borevi, Karin
    Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The right to housing of newcomers to the Scandinavian welfare states: Dispersal policies in Sweden, Denmark and Norway2011Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 140.
    Bengtsson, Bo
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF).
    Borevi, Karin
    Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Strömgren, Andreaz
    Uppsala universitet, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF).
    Välfärdsstaten och de nyanlända: Politik för flyktingars bosättning i Sverige, Danmark och Norge2007In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 109, no 2, p. 118-122Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 141.
    Bengtzon, Andreas
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences.
    USA:s syn på Turkiet, från 1997 fram till våren 20072007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this essay is to analyze the political interests of the United States Government in Turkey, from 1997 to spring 2007, using a qualitative method. I will also analyze any strategic changes during this period, by using theories of realism, particularly Structure Realism and Rational Choice. Using the Rational Actor Model (RAM), I will analyze how nation states such as the United States act in the political arena in Turkey. How can the US Government legitimize the support to Turkey and at the same time criticize there democratic deficit and their view on human rights. Turkey has been an American Military Ally, via NATO since 1952 and its demographic situation has changed since the Cold War. Turkey is located at the crossroads of the Eastern Islamic and Western Christian worlds, which complicates the situation. In addition 99% of the Turkish population is Muslim and only 1% is Christian, which has affected the development of relationships during the past decade, especially dramatic after September 11, 2001 when the United States focused on threats from Islamic Fundamentalist Groups. The RAM treats governments as unitary rational actors in the broader strategic environment when they calculate and prefer one political alternative to another. The RAM can be used to determine whether and how political actors, in this case the US Government work towards a maximized goal. Hierarchical position in structural realism is also interesting - the bandwagon alternative - which means that states jumps on either the strongest bandwagon or the actor that can guarantee the security of other states. In conclusion from a RAM perspective the analyze shows that the political interests of the US government had changed from a economic-strategic interest before September 11, 2001 to a more security-strategic interest after September 11, 2001. The US Government by using Turkey as military allied had focused on there national goals in Euro Asia trying to guarantee both Turkeys and US economy strategic security during this period. Especially buy controlling the oil and gas from the Caspian Sea. Turkey has also got the leading role and the mission of guaranteeing the peace and democratic development to secure an area of different cultures and religions in there neighbourhood.

    Keywords: Turkey, US, strategic, military, economy, energy, oil, gas, EU, Cyprus, human rights, Euro Asia, geopolitics, interests

  • 142.
    Benmakhlouf, Moussab
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Varför deltar vissa mer än andra? En resursfråga?: En fallstudie över Botkyrka Kommun2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this paper is to study if there is a causal relationship between socioeconomic resources and political participation. Are socioeconomic resources important for political participation? Are forms of participation important for the outcome of the political participation? These are some questions this study intends to answer. To answer these questions this study has studied the case of the municipality of Botkyrka in Sweden and therefore the case study method was used. The material was analyzed on the basis of the resource model by Sidney Verba and Nie and Robert Dahl's five criteria for democracy. The results of this study showed that in the case “Botkyrka” the socioeconomic resources largely determine how much politically involved you are. The “districts” with fewer resources were generally much less political active than those districts that had better resources. However, the study also shows that in the forms of participation that was less resource intensive, there was also less difference in the outcome of the political participation between the districts in the municipality of Botkyrka compared to the forms that required more resources. This shows that the choice of “forms of participation” is important in terms of achieving an increased political participation among those with less resources.

  • 143.
    Bennich-Björkman, Li
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet.
    Johansson, Karl Magnus
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Explaining moderation in nationalism: Divergent trajectories of national conservative parties in Estonia and Latvia2012In: Comparative European Politics, ISSN 1472-4790, E-ISSN 1740-388X, Vol. 10, no 5, p. 585-607Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The puzzle to be explained in this article is how and why parties experience variation in the degree of moderation in nationalism. The article submits that an important indicator for such variation can be found in the extent to which a party is transnationally embedded, but the central claim of this article is that while external influences may well temper party nationalism they are filtered through predominantly internal factors, notably the cleavage structure and the political culture. The explanatory power of this argument is tested through a comparative case study of relative moderation in nationalism of two Baltic post-communist national conservative parties, Pro Patria Union in Estonia and For Fatherland and Freedom/LNNK in Latvia, with particular attention to party preferences and positions on national questions, as well as of engagement in transnational party cooperation. Both started out as national conservative parties, but whereas the former party has turned into a more mainstream conservative party of European stance and a moderate nationalist party the latter has remained radical nationalist and basically held on to (ethno-) nationalism. The article examines the sources of this variation.

  • 144.
    Berglund, Jenny
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Study of Religions.
    Publicly Funded Islamic Education in Europe and the United States2015Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Islamic religious education in the United States and Europe has become a subject of intense debate after Muslims raised in the West carried out attacks against their fellow citizens. People worry their governments are doing too little or too much to shape the spiritual beliefs of private citizens. In a new analysis paper, Jenny Berglund explains the differences in publicly funded Islamic education in nine European countries and the United States. 

    Berglund lays out the religious education framework of each country and explains the state policies governing the teaching of Islam in public schools. State involvement, Berglund writes, ranges from sponsoring religious education in public schools to forgoing it entirely. The policies vary according to the national political culture of each country, as well as the historical and religious norms that shape public perceptions and debates over religious education. 

    In Germany and Austria, many public schools teach Islam to Muslims as a subject within a broader religious curriculum in which parents can choose their students’ religious courses. In the United Kingdom and Sweden, public schools teach Islam as an academic subject, and train teachers through comparative religious studies departments in universities. French and U.S. public schools do not teach religion, although students can lean about Islam in subjects such as art, history, or literature.

    Despite the diversity of these approaches, Berglund notes three good practices that apply across the board:

    1. Establishing rigorous academic standards of training for teachers of religious education courses.
    2. Providing factual textbooks informed by academic scholarship, both for Islamic religious education and non-confessional school subjects that teach about Islam. 
    3. Building upon current curricular and pedagological best practices through international exchange and dialogue of scholars.

    By adopting these practices, Berglund argues, governments can further their citizens’ knowledge of important aspects of the human experience and promote inclusive citizenship and respect.

  • 145. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Europeisk mosaik: nationella minoriteter som utmaning2010Book (Other academic)
  • 146. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES).
    Sveriges finnar och Finlands svenskar2010In: Vom alten Norden zum neuen Europa: Politische Kultur im Ostseeraum : Festschrift für Bernd Henningsen / [ed] Norbert Götz, Jan Hecker-Stampehl, Stefan Michael Schröder, Berlin: BWV , 2010, p. 303-314Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 147. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Nordeuropa-Institute, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin .
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    The Baltic states and the European challenge: independence versus security2007In: Political culture: values and identities in the Baltic Sea region / [ed] Mai-Brith Schartau, Sten Berglund, Bernd Henningsen, Berlin: BWV , 2007, p. 159-181Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 148. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Nordeuropa-Institute, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin .
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Schymik, Carsten
    Where does Europe end?: borders, limits and directions of the EU2009 (ed. 1)Book (Other academic)
  • 149. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    Cleavages and Political Transformations2010In: Handbook of European Societies: Social Transformations in the 21st Century / [ed] Stefan Immerfall, GöranTherborn, Berlin: Springer , 2010, p. 91-109Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 150. Berglund, Sten
    et al.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    The current state of political science in Sweden2007In: The state of political science in Western Europe / [ed] Hans-Dieter Klingemann, Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich , 2007, p. 342-360Chapter in book (Other academic)
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