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  • 1.
    Kortekangas, Otso
    et al.
    KTH Royal Institute of Technology.
    Keskitalo, PiggaUniversity of Lapland, Rovaniemi, Finland.Nyyssönen, JukkaUiT - The Arctic University of Norway, Tromsø, Norway.Kotljarchuk, AndrejSödertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.Paksuniemi, MerjaUniversity of Lapland, Rovaniemi, Finland.Sjögren, DavidUppsala University.
    Sámi educational history in a comparative international perspective2019Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book provides a comprehensive overview of Sámi education in a historical and internationally comparative perspective. Despite the cross-national character of the Sámi population, academic literature on Sámi education has so far been published within the different nation states in the Sámi area, and rarely in English. Exploring indigenous educational history around the world, this collection spans from Asia to Oceania to Sápmi and the Americas. The chapters frame Sámi school history within an international context of indigenous and minority education. In doing so, two narrative threads are established: both traditional history of education, and perspectives on the decolonisation of education. This pioneering book will appeal to students and scholars of Sámi education, as well as indigenous education around the world.

  • 2.
    Kortekangas, Otso
    et al.
    KTH Royal Institute of Technology / Stockholm University.
    Keskitalo, Pigga
    University of Lapland, Rovaniemi, Finland.
    Nyyssönen, Jukka
    UiT—The Arctic University of Norway, Tromsø, Norway.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Sjögren, David
    Uppsala University.
    Paksuniemi, Merja
    University of Lapland, Rovaniemi, Finland.
    Introduction2019In: Sámi Educational History in a Comparative International Perspective / [ed] Otso Kortekangas, Pigga Keskitalo, Jukka Nyyssönen, Andrej Kotljarchuk, Merja Paksuniemi & David Sjögren, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 1-11Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This book provides a comprehensive overview of Sámi education in a historical and internationally comparative perspective. Despite the cross-national character of the Sámi population, academic literature on Sámi education has so far been published within the different nation states in the Sámi area, and rarely in English. Exploring indigenous educational history around the world, this collection spans from Asia to Oceania to Sápmi and the Americas. The chapters frame Sámi school history within an international context of indigenous and minority education. In doing so, two narrative threads are established: both traditional history of education, and perspectives on the decolonisation of education. This pioneering book will appeal to students and scholars of Sámi education, as well as indigenous education around the world.

  • 3.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    A Cinderella of Europe: Understanding the political history of Belarus2020In: Baltic Rim Economies, ISSN 1459-9759, Vol. 3, article id 2773Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 4.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Babi Yar and the Nazi Genocide of Roma: Memory Narratives and Memory Practices in Ukraine2022In: Nationalities Papers, ISSN 0090-5992, E-ISSN 1465-3923, Vol. 50, no 3, p. 450-470Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine by the Nazis and auxiliary police on the spot. There are more than 50,000 Roma in today's Ukraine, represented by second and third generation decendants of the genocide survivors. The discussion on Roma identity cannot be isolated from the memory of the genocide, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexive landmark that mobilizes the Roma movement. About twenty Roma genocide memorials have been erected in Ukraine during last decade, and in 2016 the national memorial of the Roma genocide was opened in Babi Yar. However, scholars do not have a clear picture of memory narratives and memory practices of the Roma genocide in Ukraine. A comprehensive analysis of the contemporary situation is not possible without an examination of the history and memory of the Roma genocide before 1991.

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  • 5.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History. Stockholms universitet.
    Ethnic cleansings and Russification2016In: Encyclopedia of the Barents Region: Vol. 1, A-M / [ed] Mats-Olov Olsson, Oslo: Pax Forlag, 2016, p. 189-191Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Barents Encyclopedia will present comprehensive information about the progress of the Barents Region Project, the project to establish international collaboration across national borders through innovative organizational conceptualizations, an active promotion of a transborder regional identity, and the introduction of new forms of regional governance in the most densely populated and industrialized part of the Arctic.

    Articles in the encyclopedia will discuss the historical roots of current developments and review the cultural, socio-economic, and political prerequisites for a continued and intensified transborder interaction among citizens inhabiting the Barents Region, a territory so designated through the signing of the 1993 Kirkenes Declaration.

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  • 6.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History, History.
    Historians as Nation State-Builders: the Formation of Lithuanian University 1904-19222006In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 20, no 4, p. 459-461Article, book review (Other academic)
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  • 7.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History. Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen.
    In the Forge of Stalin: Swedish Colonists of Ukraine in Totalitarian Experiments of the Twentieth Century2014Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Gammalsvenskby is the only Swedish settlement to the east from Finland, founded in 1782. In the past of Gammalsvenskby the history of the Soviet Union, Sweden, the international communist movement and Nazi Germany combined in a bizarre form. And even when the ploughmen of the Kherson steppes did not left their native village, the great powers themselves visited them with the intention to rule forever. The history of colony is viewed through the prism of the theory of “forcednormalization” and the concept of “changes of collective identity“. The author intends to study the techniques of forced normalization and the strategy of the collective resistance.

    Andrej Kotljarchuk is an associate professor in history, working as a university lecturer at the Department of History, Stockholm University; and as a senior researcher at the School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Södertörn University. His research focuses on ethnic minorities and role of experts’ communities, mass violence and the politics of memory. His recent publications include the book chapters “The Nordic Threat: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula” (2014), “The Memory of Roma Holocaust in Ukraine: Mass Graves, Memory Work and the Politics of Commemoration” (2014); as well as the articles “World War II Memory Politics: Jewish, Polish and Roma Minorities of Belarus”, in Journal of Belarusian Studies (2013) and “Kola Sami in the Stalinist terror: a quantitative analysis”, in Journal of Northern Studies (2012).

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  • 8.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    In the shadows of Poland and Russia: the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden in the European crisis of the mid-17th century2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other scientific)
    Abstract [en]

    This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.

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  • 9.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Indigenous People, Vulnerability and the Security Dilemma: Sami School Education on the Kola Peninsula, 1917–19912019In: Sámi educational history in a comparative international perspective / [ed] Otso Kortekangas, Pigga Keskitalo, Jukka Nyyssönen, Andrej Kotljarchuk, Merja Paksuniemi, and David Sjögren, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 63-82Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this chapter is to discuss the political aspects of vulnerability in the context of theSami school education system. Until the end of the nineteenth century, the Russian Sami had no native-language school system or native textbooks. The Soviet regime was established on the Kola peninsula only in 1920, three years after the 1917 revolution. The politics of selfdetermination, the so-called korenizatsiya (indigenization), became a tool for Bolsheviks pursuing a nationalist agenda for the “oppressed” Sami people. The Soviet policy of indigenization collapsed in 1937 when the secret police NKVD fabricated the formation of a Sami underground rebel organization. In 1938 all the Sami schools were closed, and the Sami language textbooks were confiscated. The promotion of Sami education in Russia was then completely suspended until the establishment of Perestroika.

  • 10.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Invisible Victims: The Cold War and Representation of the Roma Genocide in Soviet Feature Films, Teleplays and Theater Performances2016In: Russische und Sowjetische Geschichte im Film: Von Väterchen Zar, tragischen Helden, russischen Revolutionären und "kalten Kriegern" / [ed] Alexander Friedman ; Frank Jacob, New York: ALTIJA , 2016, p. 129-150Chapter in book (Other academic)
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  • 11.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History, History.
    Kola Sami in the Stalinist Terror: A Quantitative Analysis2012In: Journal of Northern Studies, ISSN 1654-5915, Vol. 6, no 2, p. 59-82Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The study is focused on aspects that have been understudied by previous research on the Kola Sami. First there is a quantitative analysis of the Sami victims of the Stalinist terror. Second there is the discussion of the shortand long-term roles of state violence for the affected indigenous community. Most prior studies of the ethnic aspects of the Stalinist terror have focused on the large Diaspora nationalities or post-war deportations, while this paper concentrates on a small homogenous indigenous community. The study reaches a new level of accuracy about the nature of Soviet terror, and who became victims and why.

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  • 12.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    LATVIA – BELARUS2010In: SWOT Analysis and Planning for Cross-Border Co-operation in Northern Europe, Gorizia: I.S.I.G. , 2010, 2, p. 145-150Chapter in book (Other academic)
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    SWOT Analysis and Planning for Cross-Border Co-operation in Northern Europe
  • 13.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Stockholms universitet.
    Le génocide nazi des Roms en Bélarus et en Ukraine: de l’importance des données de recensement et des recenseurs2016In: Etudes Tsiganes, ISSN 0014-2247, Vol. 56-57, p. 194-215Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Beginning in the mid-1930s, Nazi Germany concerned itself with the systematic identification of Roma. In interwar Europe, the ‘Gypsy question’ was, in fact, on many governmental agendas - not only as a matter for the police. Police trouble with Roma was, for instance, repeatedly the subject of discussion within the International Criminal Police Commission. It was easier to identify and register Jews due to the fact that records held by religious communities were readily available to the state. Contrastingly, many Romanies in Eastern Europe were nomadic at the time and did not possess identification cards. At its 1935 Copenhagen Conference, Interpol's participating states backed the initiative proposed by representatives of the SS-dominated German police force regarding the creation of ‘an international registry of Roma’ in Vienna.

    As Nazi German domination spread in Europe, so did the registration and identification of Roma take its place as a first stage of the genocidal process. In 1941, the government of Nazi-satellite Croatia ordered local authorities to register ‘Gypsies’ by age, sex and geographical location. Most ended up in the Jasenovac camp. In July 1942, the civil administration of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, which oversaw the territories of modern Ukraine and Belarus, ordered the local authorities to register Roma, in order to prepare for the mass violence to come.

    World War II was the largest disaster ever experienced by the civilian population of Belarus and Ukraine. More than 2.2 of 10.5 million people (both civil and military) were murdered in Belarus, exceeding the war casualties of both France and Britain combined.  The population of Belarus did not return to its pre-war level until the mid-1970s. Thousands of Romanies were killed in 1941–44 by the Nazi perpetrators, Axis powers, and local auxiliary police on the spot and were almost never deported to extermination camps. While the ethnic East Slavic majority suffered massive losses, two minorities (Jews and Roma) suffered systematic annihilation by the Nazis. The mass killings of Roma and Jews, recognized as genocide by the international community, differs in nature from the mass murder of other sectors of the population. The notion of genocide has a strictly defined legal meaning. The key notion for a legal evaluation of the genocidal nature of mass crimes is intent. The systematic extermination of Roma and Jews by the Nazis is substantiated by a higher number of victims within the entire ethnic community. While the persecution of the Roma in Nazi-dominated Western Europe has been subject to great scholarly attention, the Nazi genocide of Soviet Roma is still an under-studied field of research. This study focuses on the identification and registration of Romanies taken in the Nazi-occupied Ukraine and Belarus and the role of census takers. The influence of pre-war Soviet governance that predicated the situation within the Romani community during the war must also be considered when looking for an explanation of the genocide. As Bernhard Chiari pointed out, in order to understand the Nazi occupational policy, we have to look more carefully at the pre-war ethnic structure and population changes in Belarusian and Ukrainian territories.

    By 2014, 113 sites of mass extermination of Romanies were identified on the territory of the Ukraine and 27 locations in Belarus. However, due to the lack of reliable statistics, it is not possible to give an exact number of the victims of the genocide. The general number of the Romani victims of the Nazi genocide across the whole of Europe vary greatly from 96,000 to 500,000. Of them, according to the previous research, about 30,000 were murdered on the territory of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus: around 20,000 of them perished within current Ukrainian borders; about 3,000 in Belarus; and approximately 6,500 in northwestern Russia and the Russian Caucasus. As Mikhail Tyaglyy noted, these estimates are approximate, for they are based solely upon available archival records and often do not include nomadic Roma. In order to clarify this question, this study will take on the issue of how many Roma were on the territory of Belarus and Ukraine prior to the Nazi occupation and how many of them survived the genocide.

    Overarching research questions of this study are as follows:

    • Was there continuity between the governmental registration of Romanies in interwar and wartime Belarus and Ukraine?

    • How many Roma were on the territory of Soviet Belarus and Ukraine by 1941?

    • How many Roma were murdered in the Nazi genocide in the Ukraine and Belarus?

    • What governmental factors created during the Soviet period were then crucial for the death or survival of Roma under Nazi occupation?

    • Why did the Nazi registration not proceed smoothly and allow for part of the Roma to survive the genocide?

  • 14.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Little Red Sweden in Ukraine: the 1930s Comintern project in Gammalsvenskby2014In: The Lost Swedish Tribe: Reapproaching the history of Gammalsvenskby in Ukraine / [ed] Piotr Wawrzeniuk & Julia Malitska, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola , 2014, 1, , p. 151p. 111-149Chapter in book (Refereed)
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    Little Red Sweden in Ukraine: the 1930s Comintern project in Gammalsvenskby
  • 15.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Norden och nordiska minoriteter i den sovjetiska pressen2020In: Propaganda: En antologi om påverkan / [ed] Oscar Österberg, Stockholm: Forum för Levande Historia , 2020, p. 50-77Chapter in book (Other academic)
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  • 16.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Nordic fishermen in the Soviet Union: Ethnic Purges and the Cleansing of the Cultural Landscape2017In: The Barents and the Baltic Sea Region: Contacts, Influences and Social Change / [ed] K. Alenius & M. Enbuske, Rovaniemi: Pohjois-Suomen historiallinen yhdistys , 2017, p. 39-56Chapter in book (Refereed)
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  • 17.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History. Stockholms universitet.
    Norwegians in the Stalinist Terror: New Perspectives for Research2015In: Fortid, ISSN 1504-1913, E-ISSN 1891-1668, no 2, p. 18-22Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Stalinism like Nazism is a Europe-wide phenomenon. This means that the history of Stalinism could not be grasped inside the Soviet Union. In the past of the tiny Norwegian minority in Russia the history of Stalin’s dictatorship, of democratic Norway and of the international communist movement combined in a bizarre form. Access to previously unavailable sources from Soviet archives has brought to light a little-known history, namely “national operations” of the Soviet secret police (NKVD) and the deportation of minorities, one of the central features of Stalinist repression. However, most prior studies have been concerned with large minority groups. The faith of ethnic Norwegians in Stalin’s Soviet Union is under-studied and the main contribution to this subject was made by a journalist Morten Jentoft.

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  • 18.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Propaganda of Hatred and the Great Terror: A Nordic Approach2017In: Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union: New Dimensions of Research / [ed] Andrej Kotljarchuk; Olle Sundström, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2017, p. 91-121Chapter in book (Refereed)
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    Propaganda of Hatred and the Great Terror: A Nordic Approach
  • 19.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Representing genocide. The Nazi massacre of Roma in Babi Yar in Soviet and Ukrainian Historical culture2015In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308, no 28 majArticle in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Thousands of Roma were killed in Ukraine between 1941 and 1944 by Nazi einsatzgruppen and local collaborators. The Romani victims were practically never deported to extermination camps but instead their bodies were left where they had been murdered. Babi Yar (Babyn Yar in Ukrainian) in Kyiv is considered a single largest Holocaust massacre in Europe. The place is a chine of seven deep ravines in the north-western part of the city. There on September 29-30, 1941, more than 33,000 Jews were exterminated by Nazis in a single mass killing. In 1941-43 hundreds of Ukrainian Roma were also murdered there. The total number of victims (Jews, Roma, underground fighters, mentally ill people, Ukrainian nationalists) killed in Babi Yar is estimated to 100,000 people. However in the postwar report published by the Extraordinary Commission for Investigation of War Crimes (ChGK), the Roma were not specified, they were rather counted as ”murdered civil citizens”. The Soviet leadership discouraged placing any emphasis on the ethnic aspects of this genocide. In April 1945 the leading Soviet newspaper Pravda informed their readers that according to the party decision a memorial and a museum will be built in Babi Yar. Nothing was done. The Nazi policy of extermination of Roma was neglected; the war was depicted as a tragedy for all Soviet peoples.  Until 1966 the site of mass killing in Babi Yar was unmarked and the first monument was built only in 1976 after a number of protest actions.Despite the silence on the Jewish and Roma genocides, the 1976 Soviet memorial legalized practices of memory. Every year September 29 the monument was visited not only by Jews but also Roma. It was then that the Romani tradition was born to bring to the monument the photos of relatives murdered by the Nazis. This practice continues to this day. By this ceremony the Roma are trying to overcome the problem of de-personalization of the genocide victims.

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  • 20.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Review of Walke, Anika, Pioneers and Partisans: An Oral History of Nazi Genocide in Belorussia.2017In: H-Net Reviews in the Humanities and Social Sciences, ISSN 1538-0661, no aprilArticle, book review (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    REVIEW on: Alexey Golubev and Irina Takala, The Search for a Socialist El Dorado. Finnish Immigration to Soviet Karelia from the United States and Canada in the 1930s (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2014), 236 p.2016In: Nordic and Baltic Studies Review, Vol. 1, p. 422-427Article, book review (Other academic)
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  • 22.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Review on: Deland, Mats. Purgatorium: Sverige och andra världskrigets förbrytare. Stockholm: Atlas.2012In: Arche, ISSN 1392-9682, Vol. 5, p. 166-172Article, book review (Other academic)
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  • 23.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies. Stockholms universitet.
    [Review on:] The Nazi genocide of the Roma. Reassessment and Commemoration / Ed. by Anton Weiss-Wendt. – The Berghahn series “Studies on War and Genocide”: Vol. 17. – New York-Oxford, 2013. – 282 p.2014In: Holokost i Suchasnist'. Studii v Ukraini i Sviti, ISSN 1998-3883, Vol. 12, no 1, p. 105-118Article, book review (Other academic)
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  • 24.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History.
    Riga and commercial aspects of the Lithuanian-Swedish relations during the seventeenth century2007In: The dynamics of economic culture in the North Sea and Baltic Region: in the late Middle Ages and early modern period / [ed] Hano Brand and Leos Müller, Hilversum: Verloren , 2007, p. 240-249Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Riga was undoubtedly the major port city in the eastern Baltic and consequently

    the gateway for Lithuanian trade with Western Europe. This contribution focuses

    on Riga’s commercial role in the first half of the seventeenth century when the city

    became a part of the Swedish empire and the city’s relationship with the Lithuanian

    hinterland, still a part of Lithuanian-Polish Commonwealth, became much

    more complicated. The article stresses the economic reasons for Swedish political

    and military engagements in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania which peaked with the

    Union of Kodainiai in 1655. From a historiographical perspective, this paper begins

    with the argument by the Swedish historian Arthur Attman that Swedish interest

    in the eastern Baltic territories began with trade. The paper will suggest that the

    Lithuanian nobility and merchants were also interested in establishing a good relationship

    with Sweden because Swedish power guaranteed political stability accompanied

    by commercial development, this being reflected in the success of Riga’s

    merchants during the 1630s and 1640s.

  • 25.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History. Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    Roma and Travellers in Sweden during World War II: Registration, experts and racial cleansing policy-making in a transnational context: Working paper presented at the 2016 Nordic Conference on Romani Studies, Södertörn University2018Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    On September 23, 2013, the leading Swedish daily newspaper, Dagens Nyheter, published a front-page story revealing that a classified listing of Roma had been found on a server belonging to the regional police of Skåne. The illegal database comprised a register of 4,029 persons of Romani descent, more than 1,000 of whom were children living all over Sweden. This news understandably elicited horrified reactions in Sweden and throughout the world. But how exceptional is the concept of such a register to Sweden? To answer this question, we must examine Sweden’s treatment of Romani people during World War II.

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    Roma and Travellers in Sweden during World War II: Registration, experts and racial cleansing policy-making in a transnational context
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  • 26.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History, History.
    Ruthenian Protestants of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and their relationship with Orthodoxy, 1569-17672007In: Lithuanian Historical Studies, ISSN 1392-2343, Vol. 12, p. 41-62Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the 19th century when the process of formation of the modern ethnic identity in Eastern Europe started Belarus lost their educated strata, the Ruthenian elite, potential leadership of this movement. That happened for a number of reasons. Among them, there was the success of the 17th -18th century’s counter-reformation over Protestantism and Orthodoxy in Belarus and Lithuania. After 1667 the Catholicism became the sign of political loyalty to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In result step by step the Ruthenian nobility and up-class of townspeople of Orthodox and Protestant faiths adopted the Polish religious and cultural identity that the formula was: “gente ruthenus, natione polonus.” Very few have been written about ethnic Ruthenian nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Ruthenia and Samogitia (further the GDL) especially its Protestant group. The aim of this article is to present an overview on the relationship between the early modern Protestant and Orthodox parts of the Ruthenian elite and their correlated identity.

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  • 27.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Scandinavian and Finnish settlements on the Kola Peninsula: history and the sites of memory2017In: Conference proceeding Murman and Russian Arctic: history, present and future / [ed] Sergei Nikonov, Murmansk: Murmansk Artic State University , 2017, p. 77-188Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The paper summarizes the results of the study of Scandinavian and Finnish settlements on the Kola Peninsula supported by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies and Södertörn University as a part of the research project “Soviet Nordic Minorities and Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula” led by Associate Professor Andrej Kotljarchuk. The focus of this article is on the representation of Kola-Nordic history as well as on the Nordic sites of memory in today’s Russia

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  • 28.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Skandinavy v Rossii: Imperiya Romanovykh, Stalinskii Sovetskii Soiuz i mesta pamiati [Scandinavians in Russia: The Romanov Empire, Stalin's Soviet Union and sites of memory]2016In: Problemy i tendentsii razvitiya sotsiokulturnogo prostranstva Rossii: istoriya i sovremennost / [ed] Tatiana Ryabova, Bryansk, 2016, Vol. 3, p. 86-93Conference paper (Refereed)
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  • 29.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Stockholms universitet.
    Spoviedzi vymushanykh mauchac2019In: Enfants de France: Histories De Famillles Qui Ont Faint Confiance a Staline / [ed] Kalinouski, Valer, Minsk: Knihazbor , 2019, p. 5-6Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The book is based on  14 oral history interviews that focuses on a specific topic: the re-emigration of Belarusians from France to Soviet Belarus in 1945-1946.  In interwar period many of them  left  Western Belarus (then a part of Poland) for France. However after 1945 they went back to Belarus due to a massive Soviet propaganda.  Hundreds of children and teenagers who grew up in democratic  France and had French as a native language were to adapt to life in the Stalinist dictatorship.

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  • 30.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    State, Experts, And Roma: Historian Allan Etzlerand pseudo-scientific racism in Sweden2020In: Scandinavian Journal of History, ISSN 0346-8755, E-ISSN 1502-7716, Vol. 45, no 5, p. 615-639Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Like other Nordic countries, Sweden has its dark chapter of ignominious history involving discrimination targeting Roma. However, less is known about the role of historians in the process of bringing so-called ‘scientific grounds’ to solving the ‘Gypsy problem’. In this article, I focus on this topic, using the case of the historian Allan Etzler, in order to analyse the role that Etzler played as a scholar and expert in the development of pseudo-scientific racism in Sweden.

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    Kotljarchuk_Etzler
  • 31.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    The 1655 Union of Keidaniai between Lithuania and Sweden: Dynastical Dimensions in Historical Perspective2014In: Lithuania-Poland-Sweden: European Dynastic Unions and Historical-Cultural Ties / [ed] Eugenijus Saviscevas; Marijus Uzorka, Vilnius: National Museum , 2014, p. 377-389Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 32.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    The Counter-Narrative of WWII and the Far Right-Identity2022In: The Many Faces of the Far Right in the Post-Communist Space: A Comparative Study of Far-Right Movements and Identity in the Region / [ed] Ninna Mörner, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2022, p. 61-75Chapter in book (Other academic)
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  • 33.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    The Flag Revolution: Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus2020In: Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region / [ed] Ninna Mörner, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2020, p. 45-54Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Belarus remains one of the most little-known countries in western and northern Europe. There are several reasons for this. The primary one can be ascribed to the fact that in modern times Belarus did not exist as a political entity. During this time Belarus had no sovereignty, being initially a province of Poland-Lithuania and the Russian Empire. The cold war contributed to the disappearance of Belarus from the Western political and academic discourse. Very few scientific books and articles about Belarus were published in the West before 1991.Despite the membership of the Belarusian SSR in the UN, Belarus was absorbed by the Soviet Union. Unlike neighbouring Latvia or Lithuania, Belarus was not independent during the interwar period and had no large diaspora in Europe after 1945. Therefore, the Belarusians often considered by people outside Eastern Europe as the so called ‘white Russians’, a nation without a tradition of the statehood, native language and culture as well as political symbols. For the first in its history Belarus make headlines in global media in August 2020. The rigged elections after 25 years of authoritarian rule by President Lukashenka led to the mass protests across the country for the right to vote at free and fair elections. The international readers are fascinated of peaceful nature of the protests as well as thousands of white-red-white flags wore by protestors.

    The tradition to have a national flag is old. From the beginning national flags were effective medium of political messages that could be passed on to people without having to rely on a certain level of literacy.  During the era of nationalism in Europe several new political nations constructed their own flags that supposed to mobilise the movement and unite a nation around powerful political symbol. As Gabriella Elgenius pointed out in modern world the national flags continue to be used as political symbols, as tools of propaganda and control, as devices for inclusion and exclusion of different social groups within the entire nation. Why do then the protestors and officials in Belarus use different national flags? What do the white-red-white and red-green flags symbolize for the people in Belarus? Why is the police hunting the white-red-white flag? Why is the massive state-run propaganda against peaceful protests focusing on the white-red-white flag and the history of World War II? In this paper, I outline how a study of political symbols of Belarus can contribute to a more detailed understanding of the ongoing situation in the country.

    Belarus remains one of the least known countries in western and northern Europe. There are several reasons for this, the primary one being the fact that in modern times, Belarus did not exist as a political entity. During this time Belarus had no sovereignty, being initially a province of Poland-Lithuania and the Russian Empire. The Cold War contributed to the disappearance of Belarus from Western political and academic discourse. Very few scientific books and articles about Belarus were published in the West before 1991. Despite the Belarusian SSR’s membership of the UN, Belarus was absorbed by the Soviet Union. Unlike neighbouring Latvia or Lithuania, Belarus was not independent during the interwar period and had no large diaspora in Europe after 1945. Therefore, Belarusians were often considered by people outside Eastern Europe as so-called ‘white Russians’, a nation without a tradition of statehood, native language and culture, or political symbols. Belarus made headlines in the global media for the  first time in its history in August 2020. The rigged elections after 25 years of authoritarian rule by President Lukashenka led to mass protests across the country for the right to vote in free and fair elections. International readers are fascinated by the peaceful nature of the pro- tests and by the thousands of white-red-white  flags worn by protestors.Having a national  flag is an old tradition. From the beginning, national  flags were an effective medium for political messages that could be passed on to people without having to rely on a certain level of literacy. During the era of nationalism in Europe, several new political nations constructed their own  flags that were intended to mobilize a movement and unite a nation around a powerful political symbol. As Gabriella Elgenius pointed out, in the modern world national  flags continue to be used as political symbols, as tools of propaganda and control, and as devices for the inclusion and exclusion of different social groups within the entire nation. 

    Why do protestors and officials in Belarus use different national  flags? What do the white-red-white and red-green  flags symbolize for the people in Belarus? Why are the police hunting the white-red-white  flag? Why does the massive state-run propaganda against peaceful protests focus on the white-red-white  flag and the history of World War II? In this paper, I outline how a study of political symbols of Belarus can contribute to a more detailed understanding of the ongoing situation in the country.

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    The Flag Revolution: Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus
  • 34.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    The Holocaust of the European Roma and the Nordic periphery. Terminology and preliminary state of research2020In: Holocaust Remembrance and Representation: Documentation from a Research Conference / [ed] Karin Kvist Geverts, Stockholm: Kulturdepartementet , 2020, p. 93-108Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Like other Nordic countries, Sweden has its dark chapter of ignominious history involving discrimination targeting the Roma. However, less is known about the fate of Romani people in the Nordic countries during World War II especially genocidal plans regarding Roma people in the Nazi-occupied Norway as well as the cooperation between the Nazis and the Nordic authorities regarding the so called “solving of the Gypsy Plague”. The paper examines the results of recent research on the history of the Roma in the Nordic countries during World War II, focusing on terminology, preliminary results and dimensions for further research.

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  • 35.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    The Memory of Roma Holocaust in Ukraine. Mass Graves, Memory Work and the Politics of Commemoration2016In: Disputed Memories: Emotions and Memory Politics in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe / [ed] Tea Sindbæk Andersen & Barbara Tornqvist-Plewa, Berlin-Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2016, p. 149-176Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Thousands of Soviet Roma were killed in 1941–1944 by Nazi Einsatzgruppen andlocal collaborators. They were almost never deported to extermination camps,but instead their bodies were left at the scenes where these crimes were committed.In the protocols of the Soviet Extraordinary Commission for Investigation ofWar Crimes, the Roma were often counted as murdered civil citizens, withoutspecifying their ethnicity. Despite the existence of a small number of accountsidentifying the victims of these murders as Romani, the Roma part of the Holocausthistory is still little known in post-Soviet space.In 1976 an official memorial at Babi Yar was erected in Kyiv on the locationof the largest massacre during WWII of Eastern European Jews and Roma. However,the Soviet leadership discouraged placing any emphasis on ethnic aspectsof this tragedy. The Nazi policy of extermination of Roma was neglected; the warwas depicted as a tragedy for all Soviet peoples.The discussion of the Romani identity cannot be isolated from the memoryof the genocide during WWII, which makes the struggle over the past a reflexivelandmark that organizes the politics of commemoration.

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  • 36.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History. Stockholm University.
    The Nordic Threat: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula2014In: The Sea of Identities: A Century of Baltic and East European Experiences with Nationality, Class, and Gender / [ed] Götz, Norbert, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2014, p. 53-83Chapter in book (Refereed)
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    The Nordic Threat: Soviet Ethnic Cleansing on the Kola Peninsula
  • 37.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    The Sámi school education on the Kola Peninsula 1880–2015 : History, Memory and Contemporary Situation2016In: / [ed] Pigga Keskitalo, Kautokeino, 2016Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The first Soviet census of 1926 counted 1,708 Sami living in Northern Russia, 99.4 per cent of whom worked at that time with reindeer breeding, and the vast area of the Kola tundra was used by Sami reindeer (Kisilev & Kisileva 1987). The total population on the Kola Peninsula at that time was 22,858 persons. The Sami people consisted of 7.5 per cent of the total population and was a significant minority of the Barents region, exceeded in numbers only by the Russian majority.

     

    In the Russian empire, the Sami had no native-language schools and administrative autonomy. After the 1917 October revolution, the politics of self-determination the so called korenizatsiya became a dominant trope for Bolsheviks expressing national aspirations for “oppressed” indigenous peoples of the tsarist regime. The Soviet government looked on the indigenous people in a good way regarding them as a socialistic collective social group (Leete 2004: 28–30).

     

    The Soviet regime in the Barents Sea region was established only in 1920 after three years of civil war. The remote Northern area was terra incognita for Soviet leadership, whose personal experience was urban and linked to the industrial milieu. Therefore, with the help of a favourable national policy, the Bolsheviks wanted to attract indigenous peoples to take their side (Toulouze 2005: 140–141). The official nomenclature of indigenous peoples was changed, and Soviet officials began to use politically correct names. Thus, instead of Lapps (Russian lopari) the Sami (saamy) appeared in the Soviet legislation acts and mass media. In 1917, a delegation of the Kola Sami was met in the Kremlin by Joseph Stalin— Minister for Nationalities (Souvarine 1939: 200). In 1920, the national assembly of the Kola Sami appealed to the Soviet government of Murmansk with a requirement of cultural autonomy (Dashchinskiy 1999: 21).

     

    The interwar Soviet Union was unlike many other states in Europe. This difference concerns not only the abolition of private property and the dictatorship of the Communist Party, but also a nationalities policy based on internationalism. The Soviet Union was practically the first great power in the world that systematically promoted the national consciousness of indigenous peoples and established for them institutional forms characteristic of a modern nation. While indigenous peoples faced discrimination, the Soviet Union proclaimed in 1923 a policy of self-determination, cultural and linguistic rights for all minorities (Martin 2001). The main aim of the Soviet nationalities policy in the North was “to liberate indigenous peoples from the vestiges of the past” (Slezkine 1994: 220–221). The Bolshevik party decided to overcome “backwardness of indigenous peoples” and make them “modern,” which meant to develop them in the short term at a higher level of more advanced minorities (Sundström 2007: 130–135). The fascinating experiment of early Soviet minority politics included the establishment of Sami administrative autonomy with a center in Lovozero, the training and promotion of ethnic cadres, the invention and codification of Sami literary language in the Latin script and the introduction of a native system of education.

     

    New educational policy started with a nurture of native pedagogical cadres and preparation of native textbooks. In 1929 the first Sami school was opened and by 1937 there were 18 Sami primary schools on the Kola Peninsula. The future Sami teachers and educators have nurtured at the Sami Department of Murmansk Pedagogical College (33 Students in 1934) and in Leningrad, at the Institute for the Peoples of the North (8 students in 1933) and

     

    Lenin’s nationalities policy changed dramatically when in 1937, the Soviet secret police NKVD fabricated the so-called “Sami Complot.” 68 Sami were accused of being spies for Finland and members of the fictitious underground organization the alleged aim of which was to rebel against the USSR in order to establish an independent Sami republic. Terry Martin drew attention to the connection between the Great Terror and the liquidation of the native system of education of non-Slavic minorities and the expanding educational sphere of the Russian language (Martin 2001: 422-429). In the course of Stalin’s Great Terror the Sami schools on the Kola Peninsula were closed, Sami-language textbooks confiscated, and replaced by Russian-language textbooks. Many of native teachers were arrested by the NKVD and executed or sent to prison. The promotion of Sami culture in Russia was fully stopped simultaneously until the perestroika.

  • 38.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Baltic & East European Graduate School (BEEGS).
    The Tradition of Belarusian Statehood: Conflicts About the Past of Belarus2004In: Contemporary Change in Belarus / [ed] Egle Rindzeviciute, Huddinge: Baltic & East European Graduate School, Södertörns högskola , 2004, p. 41-72Chapter in book (Other academic)
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  • 39.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Umeå universitet.
    Ukrainasvenskar i Gulagarkipelagen: tvångsnormaliseringens teknik och kollektivt motstånd2011In: Historisk Tidskrift, ISSN 0345-469X, E-ISSN 2002-4827, Vol. 131, no 1, p. 3-24Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Within the theoretical framework provided in the works of Michel Foucault and Alberto Melucci the author analyzes the techniques of forced normalization used by the Soviet state in order to reorient the cultural and linguistic identity of a Swedish ethnic group in the Soviet Union. The Swedish colony of Gammalsvenskby was founded in the southern Ukraine in 1782 by fishermen from the island of Dagö/Hiiumaa in the Baltic Sea. Villagers had frequent contacts with Sweden and Finland throughout the nineteenth century. In 1929 about 900 persons from the village emigrated to Sweden after negotiations between the Swedish and Soviet governments. However, in 1930-31 265 colonists voluntarily returned to the USSR to form a “Swedish Communist Party Kolkhoz”. During World War II Swedish colonists accepted the status of Volksdeutsche. In 1943 all villagers together with their German neighbours were evacuated to Germany by the Nazi occupation forces. In 1945 about a hundred of the returning Ukrainian Swedes were deported by the Soviet secret police (NKVD) to the Komi autonomous republic – a Finno-Ugric region in northern Russia. The government decided to settle all Former Volksdeutsche in the Gulag area alongside other enemies of the Soviet state “until further notice”. The main purpose of the displacement and isolation of this “special contingent” was “to make them true Soviet citizens”.

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    Kotöjarchuk_Historisk_tidskrift
  • 40.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Understanding the geography of Belarus2019In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, E-ISSN 2001-7308, Vol. 12, no 1, p. 73-74Article, book review (Other academic)
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  • 41.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History. Stockholm University.
    World War II and the Registration of Roma in Sweden: The Role of Experts and Census-Takers2017In: Holocaust and Genocide Studies, ISSN 8756-6583, E-ISSN 1476-7937, Vol. 31, no 3, p. 457-479Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    On September 25, 1942, the government of Sweden ordered a census of Roma and Travellers in the country. The mapping of these groups was to serve as a first step towards solving the perceived "Gypsy problem." The census did not proceed smoothly, mainly because of conflicts within the scholarly community. On the basis of studies undertaken in fully sovereign Sweden during the World War II period, the author of this article clarifies the role "experts" played in the "scientific" legitimization of the registration process.

  • 42.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    World War II Memory Politics: Jewish, Polish and Roma Minorities of Belarus2013In: The Journal of Belarusian Studies, ISSN 0075-4161, Vol. 1, p. 7-40Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The article examines contemporary memory politics in Belarus as exhibited by new monuments to Holocaust victims, the genocide of the Roma people, and the mass killings of representatives of the Polish minority during World War II. It analyses various instances of the exploitation of the mythology of World War II for daily political purposes. Dr Kotljarchuk draws parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Poland and Russia with which Belarus shares similar problems, namely the very limited commemoration of the genocide of the Roma and the swift rate of memorialisation of the Holocaust.

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  • 43.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History, History.
    «В кузнице Сталина»: шведские колонисты Украины в тоталитарных экспериментах XХ века = V kusnitse Stalina: Shvedskie kolonisty Ukrainy v totalitarnykh experimentakh 20 veka2012 (ed. 1)Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish colony of Gammalsvenskby (Старошведское) was founded 1782 on the lands of New Russia (Новороссия) by fishermen from the island of Dagö/Hiiumaa in the Baltic Sea. Villagers had frequent contacts with Sweden and the Grand Duchy of Finland throughout the nineteenth century. A number of Swedish cultural institutes (school, new church, library, chorus etc.) were built due to the Scandinavian aid in the village and as consequence the colonists received "an inoculation" of modern Swedish nationalism.

    During the first half of the 20th century the Swedish community near the Black Sea became the subject of the series of social experiments on the part of the different political regimes. The aim was to change the collective identity of the colonists and creation of loyalty of Swedes towards the new authorities. In 1923-1929 in the village under the guidance of the Ukrainian Central Commission for the National Minorities (ЦКНМ) the politics of the indigenization was provided with the aim of transforming former foreign colonists of the Russian Empire into a loyal ethnic minority of the Soviet Ukraine. However in 1929 the whole village (888 persons) emigrated to Sweden after negotiations between the Swedish and Soviet governments.

    In the historic fatherland a new large scale experiment was undertaken under the control of the specially created Committee (Gammalsvenskbykommittén). The aim of this experiment was to fully integrate the "archaic" Ukrainian Swedes into the modern Swedish society through their transformation into the successful Swedish farmers. The emigrants were denied a separate settlement in Sweden and newcomers were dissolved throughout the country to undergo "instruction of the Swedish norms of economic and every day activities." Appointed by the Committee inspectors were monitoring all the aspects of the integration of the old Swedes into the Swedish society.

    About 300 Swedish colonists who were not agree with the policy of Sweden voluntarily returned to the Soviet Union according to their own will. There in Röda Svenskby during five years under the guidance of the Comintern and rule of the Swedish Communist Party led by Hugo Sillén the experiment on the implementing the first Swedish kolkhoz and Swedish intentional community in the Soviet Union took place.

    The Soviet Union was unlike many other states in the world. This difference concerns not only the abolishment of private property and the dictatorship of the Communist Party, but also a nationalities policy based on internationalism. While ethnic minorities faced discrimination across Europe, the Soviet Union proclaimed in 1923, and then realized, a policy of full support of cultural and linguistic rights for ethnic minorities. However this policy changed dramatically when, in 1937, the Soviet government and the secret police (NKVD) started a mass operation in order to execute members of several ethnic minorities. For fourteen months in 1937 and 1938 roughly 250,000 people representing some 25 ethnic minorities from Finns to Iranians were executed by NKVD. The mass arrests did occur in Gammalsvenskby in 1937-38 and included 22 individuals from 41 Swedish families. The promotion of the Swedish culture was fully stopped simultaneously with the era of terror. In 1938 the Swedish school was closed, the national village council was dismissed and the administrative positions there were taken by non-locals.

    During World War II Swedish colonists accepted the status of Volksdeutsche. In 1943 all villagers together with their German neighbours were evacuated to Germany by the Nazi occupation forces. In 1945 about a hundred of the returning Ukrainian Swedes were deported by the Soviet secret police (NKVD) to the Komi autonomous republic – a Finno-Ugric region in northern Russia. The government decided to settle all former Volksdeutsche in the Gulag area alongside other enemies of the Soviet state "until further notice". The main purpose of the displacement and isolation of this "special contingent" was "to make them true Soviet citizens".

    Within the theoretical framework provided in the works of Michel Foucault and Alberto Melucci the author analyzes the techniques of forced normalization used by the Stalinist totalitarian state in order to reorient the cultural and linguistic identity of a Swedish ethnic group. The book is based on the archival sources in the repositories of Ukraine, Sweden and Russia.

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  • 44.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies.
    Нацистский геноцид цыган на территории оккупированной Украины: роль советского прошлого в современной политике памяти = The Nazi genocide of Roma on the territory of occupied Ukraine: the role of Soviet path dependency in contemporary politics of memory.2014In: ГОЛОКОСТ І СУЧАСНІСТЬ, ISSN 1998-3883, Vol. 12, p. 24-50Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The article analyses various instances of the memory politics of the Nazi genocide of Roma in Ukraine during wartime, Soviet and Post-Soviet periods of times through the prism of the theory of “path dependency” and the concept of “sites of memory“. One of the aims of this study is to interpret recent trends in contemporary memory politics in Ukraine, with focus on the Roma genocide memorials, and the documentation of the victims. The author shows how Soviet ‘path dependency’ designed the limits of commemoration of the Nazi genocide of the Roma in Ukraine.

    During World War II the leading Soviet newspapers informed the public about the mass killings of Roma by the Nazis on the occupied territories and stressed that the systematic extermination of this group was motivated by racial goals. However, after 1945, the systematic extermination of the Roma population by the Nazis became a taboo and was ignored by Soviet historiography and memory politics. The absence of an educated strata within the Roma group and the aggressive forgetting politics made impossible the recording of testimonies of the Soviet Roma tragedy immediately after the war. Today it is simply impossible because of a lack of witnesses and archival records.

    The author draws interesting parallels with memory politics in Ukraine, and its conciliation with Belarus and Russia. In recent years, about twenty monuments commemorating victims of the genocide of the Roma have been erected in Ukraine. According to decision of the Ukrainian Rada dated 8 October 2004, the International Day of the Holocaust of the Roma is held annually on 2 August. Following the countries of the European Union, Ukraine abandoned the official use of the word ‘Gypsies’ in favour of the more politically correct name ‘Roma’. At the same time, in Belarus there only three sites of memory devoted to the Roma genocide and in Russia – no one. In Ukraine, over the last few years, a number of conferences on the genocide of the Roma were held, collections of scientific papers were published, and research centres were formed. At the same time, in Belarus and in Russia, not a single scholar specializes in this subject.

    The author explains such contradiction by the radical change of memory politics of World War II in the contemporary Ukraine, which influenced by both the internal and external factors. The most important internal factor is the humanization of memory politics that is the diversion of memory politics from heroes to the sufferings of ordinary people. The revising of the Soviet myth of World War II opened the previously closed topics. The author shows how the realignment of Soviet history around new narrative axes is taking place in the memory politics of today's Ukraine. The main external factor is a process of the integration of the Ukrainian state into the EU. It is worth noting that in contrast to the Soviet era, memory politics in the present-day Ukraine are being built on the basis of a European concept of reconciliation.

    However, the memorialization of the victims of the Nazi genocide of the Roma has a number of objective obstacles related to the Soviet period. The problems related to commemoration of the genocide of the Roma, as this article has demonstrated, are limited by ‘path dependence’ and not by deliberately discriminatory politics towards the Ukrainian Roma. The politics of forgetting and poor integration into Soviet society did not give the Roma an opportunity for public recognition of their tragedy in the Soviet Union. One of the main problems of contemporary memory politics is the de-personalisation of the victims of the Roma genocide. The Roma traditionally avoid contact with the authorities, and the official data and the real number of the Roma can differ greatly. It is important to stress a number of factors which differentiate memory work on the Jewish and Roma tragedies. If today the Holocaust is remembered not only through monuments but also through deserted synagogues, the former Jewish ghettos and cemeteries, the Roma do not have any of these. With the genocide, almost all their physical space of memory was destroyed. For a long time the Roma minority did not share in the building of the Ukrainian nation. The commemoration of the Roma Holocaust has the possibility of changing this situation, boosting the inclusion of Roma in contemporary Ukrainian society.

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  • 45.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies.
    Нацистский геноцид цыган: Советская и постсоветская политика памяти в сравнительной перспективе = The Nazi genocide of Roma: Soviet and post-Soviet memory politics in comparative perspective2014In: Nazi Genocide of Roma and Jews in Eastern Europe. International Forum.  Museum of Jewish Heritage and Holocaust. Moscow February, 2013., Moskva: Museum of Jewish Heritage and Holocaust, Moscow , 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
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  • 46.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    Södertörn University, School of Gender, Culture and History, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Шведы ў гісторыі і культуры беларусаў = Svenskar i vitrysk historia och kultur2007 (ed. 2)Book (Other academic)
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  • 47.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Nilsson, Torbjörn
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    ФИНЛЯНДСКИЕ ШВЕДЫ, ШВЕДСКИЕ ФИННЫ И БОЛЬШОЙ ТЕРРОР В КАРЕЛИИ. ПРОБЛЕМЫ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОСТИ, ГРАЖДАНСТВА И ДИПЛОМАТИЧЕСКОЙ ПОМОЩИ: [Finland Swedes, Sweden Finns and the Great Terror in Karelia. Issues of Nationality, Citizenship and Diplomatic Assistance]2021In: Nordic and Baltic Studies Review, E-ISSN 2541-8165, Vol. 6, p. 177-197Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Great Terror in the Soviet Union 1937–38 was to a high degree accomplished on ethnic grounds. Citizens of German, Finnish and Polish and other descent became victims for the ‘national operations’ of the NKVD. In 1926 approximately 2,500 Swedes were residing in the Soviet Union. In April 1937 an NKVD-directive declared ‘to detect and remove from the USSR all foreign nationals, who in one way or another were suspected of espionage.’ Paradoxically the authorities tried to purge the country from ‘dangerous elements,’ but in the totalitarian communist system, returning home was still nearly impossible. The Embassy of Sweden in Moscow initiated a rescue operation, never before professionally studied. Hundreds of Swedish citizens in various regions of the country contacted the embassy in order to escape the threats from the NKVD. Many of them were from Karelia. Many were rescued, but in many cases the efforts failed. This unknown event gives a new perspective of Swedish diplomatic operations before World War II. But it also contributes to the wider issue of Western rescue operations in the USSR. Our paper is focused on the rescue operations of Sweden. How were they carried out? How did the Soviet concept of nationality affect the identification and misidentification of Swedes and Finns by the NKVD? Did the Embassy of Sweden in Moscow try to define ‘Swedish connection’ as broadly as possible? How important were the emotional reaction for the diplomats? The empirical results of this study open up for theoretical discussion on the relevance of moral and humanistic contents, as well as the principle of legal state in international conflicts and zones of insecurity. The source material is based on the collection of the Foreign Office discovered by the authors in the National Archives of Sweden, which contains various materials regarding the Swedish rescue operation.

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  • 48.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Radaman, Andrej
    Polish Academy of Science, Poland; University of Bialystok, Poland.
    Sinitsyna, Elena
    Universidad Nacional Autonoma De México, Mexico.
    The Political Symbols and Concepts of Statehood in the Modern History of Belarus2023In: Belarus in the Twenty-First Century: Between Dictatorship and Democracy / [ed] Elena Korosteleva; Irina Petrova; Anastasiia Kudlenko, London: Routledge, 2023, p. 3-15Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite making headlines in the global media in August 2020, Belarus still remains one of the least-known countries in the west. Belarus had not existed as an independent political entity prior to 1991 and had hardly any sovereignty historically; this however does not mean that the Belarusians lack a tradition of statehood and their own political history. The primary purpose of this chapter is to provide a brief analysis of different and sometimes confronting concepts of Belarusian statehood, as well as the political symbols, from a long-term historical perspective, to understand the country's unilinear path towards sovereignty and independence. The results obtained in the present study could provide a better understanding of the ongoing political crisis, especially since the 2020 presidential election, and the challenges Belarus continues to face today.

  • 49.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Sundström, OlleUmeå universitet.
    Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin’s Soviet Union: New Dimensions of Research2017Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This anthology presents studies of Stalinism in the ethnic and religious borderlands of the Soviet Union. The authors not only cover hitherto less researched geographical areas, but have also addressed new questions and added new source material. Most of the contributors to this anthology use a micro-historical approach. With this approach, it is not the entire area of the country, with millions of separate individuals that are in focus but rather particular and cohesive ethnic and religious communities.

    Micro-history does not mean ignoring a macro-historical perspective. What happened on the local level had an all-Union context, and communism was a European-wide phenomenon. This means that the history of minorities in the Soviet Union during Stalin’s rule cannot be grasped outside the national and international context; aspects which are also considered in this volume. The chapters of the book are case studies on various minority groups, both ethnic and religious. In this way, the book gives a more complex picture of the causes and effects of the state-run mass violence during Stalinism.

    The publication is the outcome of a multidisciplinary international research network lead by Andrej Kotljarchuk (Södertörn University, Sweden) and Olle Sundström (Umeå University, Sweden) and consisting of specialists from Estonia, France, Germany, Russia, Sweden, Ukraine and the United States. These scholars represent various disciplines: Anthropology, Cultural Studies, History and the History of Religions.

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    Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin’s Soviet Union: New Dimensions of Research
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  • 50.
    Kotljarchuk, Andrej
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Historical and Contemporary Studies, Institute of Contemporary History.
    Sundström, Olle
    Umeå University.
    Introduction: The Problem of Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union2017In: Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union: New Dimensions of Research / [ed] Andrej Kotljarchuk; Olle Sundström, Huddinge: Södertörns högskola, 2017, p. 15-30Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Download full text (pdf)
    Introduction: The Problem of Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Stalin's Soviet Union
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