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  • 1.
    Kröger, Markus
    et al.
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Ethno-territorial rights and the resource extraction boom in Latin America: do constitutions matter?2016In: Third World Quarterly, ISSN 0143-6597, E-ISSN 1360-2241, Vol. 37, no 4, p. 682-702Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent times a growing number of Latin American rural groups have achieved extended ethno-territorial rights, and large territories have been protected by progressive constitutions. These were the outcomes of extended cycles of national and transnational contentious politics and of social movement struggle, including collective South–South cooperation. However, the continent has simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Frequently the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or Indigenous territories. Consequently economic interests collide with the protection and recognition of constitutional rights. Through a review of selected demonstrative cases across Latin America, this article analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice.

  • 2.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Between Interculturalism and Ethnocentrism: Local Government and the Indigenous Movement in Otavalo-Ecuador2010In: Bulletin of Latin American Research, ISSN 0261-3050, E-ISSN 1470-9856, Vol. 29, no 4, p. 505-521Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.

  • 3.
    Lalander, Rickard
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland / Stockholms universitet.
    ¿Descentralización socialista?: Reflexiones sobre democracia radical, participación política y el neoconstitucionalismo del siglo xxi en Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela2011In: Politeia, ISSN 0303-9757, Vol. 34, no 47, p. 55-88Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study is an analysis of the processes of neoconstitutionalism and participatory democracy in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela. Since 2006, these three countries have led the alleged leftist transformation of Latin America and the 21st Century Socialism. This article shows how the ideas ofradical democracy laid down in the new Andean constitutions are reflected and the likely challenges,tensions and contradictions regarding the implementation of these measures to enhance local popular participation and social inclusion of previously marginalized groups. Additionally, this article aims is to apply a relatively novel concept for the academic debate on political development in Latin America: socialist decentralization. Therefore, the study will offer a problematization of the theoretical debateon decentralization and radical participatory democracyin the three Andean countries. Furthermore, certain challenges for the participatory political projects by Presidents Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa will be identified.

  • 4.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet / University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland.
    Descentralización y populismo: Desafíos teóricos y metodológicos en la investigación sobre las democracias representativas en América Latina2010In: Provincia, ISSN 1317-9535, no 23, p. 33-77Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this research advancement certain theoretical and methodological challenges in social scientific research on Latin America are presented. Through the thematic, conceptual and empirical focal points of decentralization and populism, and departing in the political party systems as the core of representative democracy, different –and at times contradictory- analytical perspectives are presented in order to exemplify the possible assignments in research on the complex Latin American societies. Furthermore, the usefulness of the political opportunity structures theoretical approach is emphasized in the context of political transformations and the perspectives of social movements and political parties. Likewise, the article contributes certain methodological suggestions for scholars dealing with issues of social and political processes in Latin America.

  • 5.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Dilema intercultural y lucha indígena en Otavalo-Ecuador2010In: Anales Nueva Época, ISSN 1101-4148, no 12, p. 107-134Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Entre el ecocentrismo y el pragmatismo ambiental: Consideraciones inductivas sobre desarrollo, extractivismo y los derechos de la naturaleza en Bolivia y Ecuador2015In: Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política, ISSN 0719-2150, Vol. 6, no 1, p. 109-152Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay, in which human beings reside in harmony with each other and with the environment, is the principal framework for the new constitutions in Ecuador and Bolivia. These constitutional reforms strengthen the rights of the environment as well as the countries’ ethnically defined communities. Nevertheless, the same constitutions grant the State the right to exploit and commercialize natural resources, and extractivism has increased since the approval of these radical constitutions. This article examines the tensions between social welfare policies, extractivism, and the rights of the environment and indigenous peoples within the new constitutional contexts found in Bolivia and, especially, Ecuador. Is it possible to justify the extraction of natural resources for the provision of progressive welfare policies and still respect the constitutional rights of the environment? This article argues that the Sumak Kawsay philosophy challenges the dominant understanding of the concepts of well-being, common good, and development and that the governments of the two nations have applied a pragmatic, anthropocentric approach to the constitutional rights of nature in relation to other human values.

  • 7.
    Lalander, Rickard
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland / Stockholms universitet.
    Ethnic rights and the dilemma of extractive development in plurinational Bolivia2017In: International Journal of Human Rights, ISSN 1364-2987, E-ISSN 1744-053X, Vol. 21, no 4, p. 464-481Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Bolivian constitution of 2009 has been classified as one of the most progressive in the world regarding indigenous rights. The indigenous principles of Suma Qamaña/Vivir Bien/Good Living on the harmonious relationship between humans and nature are established in the constitution. Nonetheless, these rights clash with the constitutionally recognised rights of the nation state to extract and commercialise natural resources (mainly hydrocarbons and mining) under the banner of redistributive justice, welfare reforms and the common good, in this study labelled the dilemma of extractive development. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork and combines a political economy perspective on the extractive dilemma, while similarly examining the tensions between ethnically defined rights in relation to broader human rights in terms of values and norms related to welfare and conditions of living. The ethnic identity is multifaceted in Bolivia. Large segments of the indigenous population prefer to identify in class terms. The class-ethnicity tensions have altered throughout history, according to changing socio-economic, cultural and political settings. A central argument is that, during Evo Morales' presidency, class-based human rights in practice tend to be superior to the ethnically defined rights, as a reflection of the dilemma of extractive development.

  • 8.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Gendering Popular Participation: Identity-Politics and Radical Democracy in Bolivarian Venezuela2016In: Multidisciplinary Latin American Studies: Festschrift in Honor of Martti Pärssinen / [ed] Harri Kettunen & Antti Korpisaari, Helsinki: University of Helsinki , 2016, p. 149-173Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 9.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Indigeneidad, descolonización y la paradoja del desarrollismo extractivista en el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia: Indigeneity, decolonization and the paradox of extractive development in the Plurinational State of Bolivia2017In: Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política, ISSN 0718-9389, Vol. 8, no 1, p. 47-81Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Historically, indigenous peoples have been marginalized and oppressed in the Bolivian political economy. During the presidency of Evo Morales, and under the 2009 Constitution, political, economic, social and cultural decolonization has become the central project for the transformation of the State and society. On the one hand, the new Constitution has been classified as one of the most progressive in the world with respect to ethnically defined rights; the indigenous ethical-philosophical principles of Suma Qamaña/Vivir Bien, referring to the harmonious relationship between individuals and nature, have been incorporated into the Constitution. On the other hand, these rights collide with broader social rights (defined by class) and also the rights of the State to extract and market natural resources (especially hydrocarbon extraction and mining) under the banner of redistributive justice, social reforms and the common good. This collision is defined in this study as the paradox of extractivist developmentalism. The article is based on an ethnographic work and problematizes the extractivist dilemma and the tensions between ethnic rights and class rights, thus contributing to debates about indigeneity and the challenges and dilemmas of decolonizing projects.

  • 10.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Indigeneidad y diálogos interculturales en la política local: Una etnografía del Estado sobre los Kichwas de Cotacachi y Otavalo2018In: Imbabura Étnica / [ed] Albert Arnavat, Ibarra, Ecuador: Editorial UTN/ Universidad Técnica del Norte , 2018, p. 73-113Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [es]

    El objetivo principal del presente texto es examinar y problematizar la politización de la indigeneidad mediante el enfoque analítico en los encuentros y diálogos interculturales, y más específicamente de los Kichwas de Cotacachi y Otavalo, localidades tradicionalmente marcadas por las estructuras sociales excluyentes y racistas. Dentro del marco de la democracia deliberativa intercultural y las estructuras de oportunidades políticas, se analizarán las alianzas sociopolíticas de diferentes agrupaciones de ciudadanos y colectivos indígenas, que anteriormente estuvieron excluidas de las esferas públicas, y que confrontan nuevos desafíos y dilemas una vez que emergen como autoridades políticas a nivel local. ¿Cómo se reflejan las complejidades identitarias y de las alianzas interculturales en los procesos político-electorales locales de Cotacachi y Otavalo desde las perspectivas de los actores indígenas? Teóricamente y metodológicamente, la presente etnografía del Estado enfoca concretamente en el las transformaciones de los vínculos entre las poblaciones indígenas de Cotacachi y Otavalo y el Estado, asimismo considerando los diálogos y alianzas interculturales del movimiento indígena en las dos localidades. Estos procesos asimismo conllevan modificaciones de la indigeneidad, considerando que el grupo étnicamente definido siempre se autoidentifica en relación con otra categoría étnica, es decir: ¿Qué pasa con la identidad étnicamente definida cuando el movimiento colectivo llega a la posición de autoridad del Estado? Esta aproximación se sostiene metodológicamente en trabajo etnográfico en el campo, con una gran cantidad de entrevistas, conversaciones informales y observaciones participativas durante períodos en Cotacachi y Otavalo entre 2004 y 2018, así como una lectura crítica de publicaciones de los temas. Asimismo, hasta cierto grado se utiliza una aproximación metodológica comparativa, pero hay que aclarar que no se ofrecerá una comparación completamente sistemática entre los dos casos, más bien se destacarán las características y complejidades particulares de los dos contextos.

  • 11.
    Lalander, Rickard
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland / Stockholms universitet.
    La interseccionalidad en la política identitaria de los Indígenas Evangélicos Ecuatorianos2014In: Ecuador Debate, ISSN 1012-1498, no 90, p. 173-198Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [es]

    En este trabajo se analiza el movimiento indígena evangélico ecuatoriano con énfasis particular enlas tensiones entre etnicidad y religión en contextos de movilización política en la provincia deChimborazo. Una provincia que ha sido una fortaleza tradicional tanto de la Iglesia Católica comoposteriormente de las Iglesias Evangélicas, lo que ha contribuido a la excepcionalidad de la provinciay asimismo ha animado la formación de diferentes movimientos políticos. El enfoque principal de esteanálisis es la Federación Ecuatoriana de Indígenas Evangélicos/FEINE y su brazo electoral AmautaJatari, así como sus complejas relaciones con el más amplio movimiento indígena. Teórica ymetodológicamente, el artículo se apoya en ideas de Interseccionalidad, se integran dentro de unmarco analítico sociológico-politológico. Se justifica esta integración analítica por su valor para laapertura de posibilidades de problematización del tema, sino también para comprender la complejamezcla identitaria que influye en las lógicas colectivas e individuales en la sociedad.

  • 12.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Neo-Constitutionalism in Twenty-First Century Venezuela: Participatory Democracy, Deconcentrated Decentralization or Centralized Populism?2012In: New Constitutionalism in Latin America: Promises and Practices / [ed] Detlef Nolte & Almut Schilling-Vacaflor, Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012, p. 163-182Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 13.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Pachakutik and the Rise and Decline of the Ecuadorian Indigenous Movement by Mijeski, Kenneth J. & Beck, Scott H. (2011): Book review2013In: Latin American Politics and Society, ISSN 1531-426X, E-ISSN 1548-2456, Vol. 55, no 2, p. 194-197Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 14.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Politics in Venezuela: Explaining Hugo Chávez by Michael Derham: Book review2012In: Bulletin of Latin American Research, ISSN 0261-3050, E-ISSN 1470-9856, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 532-534Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 15.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Política identitaria e interseccionalidad en la Venezuela Bolivariana: Reflexiones sobre el protagonismo de las mujeres de los sectores populares (2006-2013)2018In: Ontosemiótica, ISSN 2477-9482, Vol. 7, no 3, p. 35-59Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article problematizes the empowerment of Venezuelan women of the popular sec­tors, who previously were marginalized in terms of gender, ethnicity and class. More specifically, the study focuses on the protagonist role of women in the Community Cou­ncils during 2006-2013. An additional interrelated aim of the study is to question the myth of Venezuela as the least racist country of Latin America. Theoretically, the study connects to an old debate of Leftist academia, namely on how to deal with the identi­tarian elements of class, ethnicity and gender in a broader socio-political setting. This viewpoint is contrasted with the theoretical-methodological framing of intersectionality, which considers the relationships between different identitarian elements at individual and collective level. The article shows that gender, class and ethnicity are intimately and complexly intertwined among the protagonists, and that these identity bases cross each other in local political situations. A further argument is that, generally, class-based identity appears to be superior to those of gender and ethnicity in socio-political settings. Methodologically, the study is based on critical reading of previous literature and, above all, ethnographic fieldwork in Venezuela between 1996 and 2013, including participa­tory observation and hundreds of interviews with actors involved in these political and socio-cultural processes.

  • 16.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Retorno de los Runakuna: Cotacachi y Otavalo2010 (ed. 1)Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [es]

    En 1996 el movimiento político Pachakutik –asociado a la confederación indígena CONAIE- participó electoralmente por primera vez y desde entonces el movimiento indígena se ha establecido como una importante fuerza a nivel local, entre otros, en Cotacachi y Otavalo. Estos dos cantones se identifican como la cuna intelectual del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano. En este libro se analiza el proceso político local desde las perspectivas indígenas, principalmente durante el período entre 1996 y 2010. Un enfoque principal está en lo que el autor denomina el dilema intercultural del movimiento indigena, es decir, los desafíos político-electorales asociados a la interculturalidad y las alianzas establecidas más allá de la definición étnica.  Igualmente se problematizan analíticamente las implicaciones de los avances del movimiento político del Presidente Rafael Correa a partir de 2006 dentro del movimiento indígena. Asimismo, se examina el faccionalismo dentro de las organizaciones indígenas en Cotacachi y Otavalo. A través del análisis de las percepciones e interpretaciones por parte de los actores indígenas, se intenta captar la dinámica y las tensiones dentro de esta complejidad al nivel cantonal. Es extremadamente importante ofrecer espacio académico a los protagonistas políticos. Por ende, metodológicamente, se incluye una gran cantidad de entrevistas con los actores. La segunda parte del libro consiste en una selección de 16 conversaciones entre el autor y destacados personajes indígenas, entre otros, los tres alcaldes protagonistas del estudio; Auki Tituaña y Alberto Anrango en Cotacachi, así como Mario Conejo en Otavalo, lo que por sí contribuye a llenar un vacío de documentación académica del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y la historia política local.

    Rickard Lalander es politólogo, Doctor y Catedrático en Estudios Latinoamericanos, investigador y profesor en las universidades de Helsinki y  Estocolmo. Es investigador asociado de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito. En Ecuador ha colaborado con la FLACSO, el Centro Andino de Acción Popular/CAAP y la Escuela de Gobierno y Políticas Públicas para las Nacionalidades y Pueblos del Ecuador/ESGOPP. Es autor de Suicide of the Elephants? Venezuelan Decentralization between Partyarchy and Chavismo (2004), editor y co-autor de Política y Sociedad en la Venezuela del Chavismo (2006) y ha publicado ampliamente sobre la democracia en los países andinos, inclusive varios artículos sobre el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano.

  • 17.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Rights of nature and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador: A Straitjacket for Progressive Development Politics?2014In: Revista iberoamericana de estudios de desarrollo / Iberoamerican Journal of Development Studies, E-ISSN 2254-2035, Vol. 3, no 2, p. 148-173Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Is it possible to justify resource extractivism to provide progressive welfare politics and still respect the constitutional rights of nature? The Indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay on human beings living in harmony with each other and the environment is the fundamental framing of the new constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia. These constitutional reforms embrace strengthened proper rights of nature and similarly of ethnic rights. However, the same constitutions grant the State the right to exploit and commercialize natural resources and extractivism has increased. This study revises the tensions between welfare politics, extractivism and the rights of nature and the Indigenous peoples in the new constitutional settings of Bolivia and, particularly, Ecuador. The article argues that Sumak Kawsay challenges dominating understandings of theconcepts of welfare, common good and development, and likewise that a pragmatic approach is applied by national governments towards the constitutional rights of nature amidst other human values.

  • 18.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Socialist Decentralization in the Andes? Explorative Reflections on Radical Democracy and 21st Century Neo-Constitutionalism2011In: Independence and Dependence in Latin America, 200 years later : International Symposium October 27-29, 2010 Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies / [ed] Alejandro González & Sergio Infante, Stockholm: ISPLA , 2011, p. 7-24Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In this study the processes of neo-constitutionalism and participatory democracy in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela are analyzed. Since 2006, these three countries spearhead the alleged leftist transformation of Latin America and the 21st Century Socialism. How are ideas of radical democracy reflected in the new Andean constitutions and which are the likely challenges, tensions and contradictions regarding the implementation of these measures to enhance local popular participation and social inclusion of previously marginalized groups? Additionally, an aim of this essay is to applicate a relatively novel concept for the academic debate on political development in Latin America: socialist decentralization. Therefore, the study will offer a problematization of the theoretical debate on decentralization and radical participatory democracy in the three Andean countries. Furthermore, certain challenges for the participatory political projects around presidents Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa will be identified.

  • 19.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    The Ecuadorian Resource Dilemma: Sumak Kawsay or Development?2016In: Critical Sociology, ISSN 0896-9205, E-ISSN 1569-1632, Vol. 42, no 4-5, p. 623-642Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article examines the tensions between constitutional rights, welfare politics and extractivism in Ecuador. In practice, the rights of nature risk being subordinated to other human values amidst strategic State interests in economic development and social programs, due to the government’s pragmatic approach toward environmental rights. The Ecuadorian Constitution of 2008 has been celebrated for being the most radical in the world regarding the specific rights of nature and the indigenous peoples. The central framing of the Constitution is the indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay regarding humans being in harmony with nature. The Rafael Correa government launched a groundbreaking initiative to protect biodiversity and indigenous peoples in the oil rich national park of Yasuní, adding to the image of Ecuador as an ecological alternative to follow and a challenge to global capitalism. Far-reaching welfare programs have been implemented during the Correa administration, but resource extraction has increased. In light of the Ecuadoran experience, substantial questions remain as to whether Sumak Kawsay can be a path for socialist transformation and ecologically solvent development.

  • 20.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    The intersecting identity-politics of the Ecuadorian evangelical Indians2012In: Ibero-Americana, Nordic Journal of Latin American Studies, ISSN 0046-8444, Vol. XLII, no 1-2, p. 135-158Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 21.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Venezuela 2010-2011: Polarización y Radicalización del Proyecto Socialista: Venezuela 2010-2011: Polarization and Radicalization of the Socialist Project2012In: Revista de Ciencia Política, ISSN 0716-1417, E-ISSN 0718-090X, Vol. 32, no 1, p. 293-313Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The years of 2010 and 2011 were characterized by political and social polarization and similarlyby a radicalization of the socialist government of Hugo Chávez Frías, with the establishmentof new laws to expand the model of radical participatory democracy. The period however alsowitnessed the return of the opposition to the National Assembly in 2010. In 2011, the alreadyexisting crisis within the chavismo was hit by the health problems of the President, whichadded to uncertainty regarding the leadership of a movement that hitherto has been characterizedby a high degree of personalism and power concentration in Chávez. In the social field, thegovernment has maintained its progressive (and/or paternalist) policies of different State SocialMissions (Misiones), since 2011 mainly to confront housing shortages. Already in 2011, thebeginning of a pre-campaign before the presidential elections of 2012 can be observed. This study provides a political summary of Venezuela in 2010 and 2011, and there will be specialanalytical attention paid to the parliamentary elections of 2010, and –particularly– the tensionsbetween two different democratic schemes: a liberal representative model and a more radicaland participatory type of democracy. As for the second type there will be special attention tothe Community Councils and their implications for Venezuelan democracy.

  • 22.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Venezuelas ofullbordade demokrati2010In: Prometokrati: mellan diktatur och demokrati / [ed] Sten Widmalm & Sven Oskarsson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2010, 1, p. 197-238Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 23.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Cuestas-Caza, Javier
    Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Ecuador.
    El Sumak Kawsay y el Buen-Vivir2018In: Trayectorias Humanas Trascontinentales/ TraHs, ISSN 2557-0633, no 3, p. 3-5Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 24.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Cuestas-Caza, Javier
    Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Ecuador.
    Sumak Kawsay y Buen-Vivir en Ecuador2017In: Conocimientos ancestrales y procesos de desarrollo: Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador / [ed] Ana Dolores Verdú Delgado, Loja, Ecuador: Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja , 2017, p. 30-64Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [es]

    El interés de la academia por investigar sobre el término del Sumak Kawsay ha despegado a partir de su incursión en la Constitución del Ecuador en 2008. Su cuestionada traducción como Buen-Vivir ha despertado diversos debates epistemológicos y ontológicos. En la actualidad, son tres las corrientes de pensamiento que estudian al paradigma emergente del Buen-Vivir: indígena-culturalista, postdesarrollista-ecologista y socialista-estatista. Cada una de ellas ha interpretado de diferente manera los saberes indígenas relacionados con el Sumak Kawsay, lo que ha dado lugar a varios cuestionamientos, entre ellos, un posible extractivismo epistémico en el uso y contenido del término Buen Vivir. Además, en la práctica, la inclusión del Buen-Vivir en la Constitución ecuatoriana de 2008 y el reconocimiento de los derechos de la naturaleza ha dado lugar a una serie de críticas y dilemas político-ambientales debido a las políticas públicas neo-extractivistas implementadas por el gobierno de Rafael Correa. El presente capítulo tiene como objetivo ahondar y enfatizar varios de los debates intelectuales sobre el Sumak Kawsay y el Buen-Vivir, así como identificar algunos dilemas y desafíos en la implementación práctica de los principios y valores de estas visiones.

  • 25.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet.
    Kröger, Markus
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland.
    Extractivism and the de jure and de facto ethno-territorial rights in Latin America: How important are the constitutions?: Extractivismo y derechos étnico-territoriales de jure y de facto en Latinoamérica: ¿Cuán importantes son las constituciones?2016In: Observatorio del Desarrollo, ISSN 2393-6916, no 23, p. 1-22Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

  • 26.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Lembke, M.
    Stockholm University.
    The Andean Catch-22: ethnicity, class and resource governance in Bolivia and Ecuador2018In: Globalizations, ISSN 1474-7731, E-ISSN 1474-774X, Vol. 15, no 5, p. 636-654Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study deals with the tensions and contradictions between resource governance, welfare policies, and the constitutionally recognized rights of nature and the indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Ecuador. We have identified a certain reductionism in current debates on these issues and propose a more systematic analytical focus on class and the class-ethnicity duality, as expressed in historical and contemporary indigenous struggles, and also confirmed via our ethnographic material. Drawing on the double bind as expressed in Joseph Heller’s Catch-22 wherein the protagonists face situations in which they do not have any choice to achieve a net gain, this article centres on how national governments have to choose between the protections of rights – in this case ethnic and environmental rights – and welfare provision financed by extractive revenues. From the perspective of ecologically concerned indigenous actors, the Catch-22 is articulated in the choice or compromise between universal welfarism on the one hand, and ethno-environmental concerns on the other hand. The article draws primarily on ecosocialist arguments and on indigenous-culturalist perspectives on Good Life (Sumak Kawsay or Vivir Bien). A central finding is the existence of awareness among involved actors – oppositional movements and government authorities – that the Catch-22 quandary and joint class-ethnic concerns are unavoidable ingredients in their discourses, struggles, and understandings of Good Life.

  • 27.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Lembke, Magnus
    Stockholm universitet.
    Dilemas e desafios na construção do Estado plurinacional: Territorialidade, Indigeneidade e Diálogo Deliberativo Intercultural no Equador2017In: Revista MovimentAção, E-ISSN 2358-9205, Vol. 4, no 6, p. 178-202Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    With the promulgation of the 2008 Constitution, Ecuador is formally a Plurinational and Intercultural State, the result of a process that had gained increasing societal legitimacy after decades of struggle by the indigenous peoples. After 2008, a central challenge for the indigenous organizations concerns the implementation of the principles and values of the Plurinational State. Different positions and interpretations are expressed among indigenous political actors. We problematize how they are expressed inwards, that is within the organization, and outwards, towards the surrounding political society. We refer to the second process as the intercultural deliberative dialogue. The main objective of the text is to analytically problematize the challenges and dilemmas associated with the Plurinational State project from the perspectives of the indigenous peoples. The theoretical framework draws on the literature on deliberative democracy in divided and/or multiethnic societies. The principal research question is: How are the complexities of implementing the Plurinational State reflected in the discourses of the actors involved? The plurinational project was contextually inserted in a complex relationship between territoriality and ethnic self-identification. We emphasize the centrality of territoriality for indigeneity and as an organizational and discursive strategy of the indigenous organizations. In discursive disputes about territoriality, different indigenous groups position themselves according to their historical relationship with the white-mestizo society. In this light, different temporalities of territoriality are constructed. This research is based on critical reading of the thematic literature and ethnographic work in Ecuador, including hundreds of interviews between 2001 and 2018 with politicians, intellectuals, and spokespersons of the indigenous organizations.

  • 28.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Lenza, Chiara
    Linnéuniversitetet.
    Transmodernity and Socio-Historical Time in the Decolonization Process of the Plurinational State of Bolivia: La transmodernidad y el tiempo sociohistórico en el proceso descolonizador del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia2018In: Revista de Estudios Sociales, ISSN 0123-885X, E-ISSN 1900-5180, no 65, p. 48-62Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyzes how transmodernity has been expressed in the Plurinational State of Bolivia since 2009. It specifically focuses on the complexities involved in the reconstruction of the State and the road towards an intercultural society based on the constitutional acknowledgment of the values and praxis of plurinationality. This historic moment —with the reconstruction of the State and society based on the beliefs, traditions, epistemologies and ontologies of the indigenous peoples— symbolizes a particular social time and is the result of the silent survival of pre-colonial cultures which, over centuries, gradually transformed themselves alongside and in interaction with modernity, thus evolving into transmodern cultures. The establishmentof the Plurinational State has also legitimized the indigenous ethical-philosophical concept of SumaQamaña-Vivir Bien (“To Live Well”), which refers to a harmonious relationship between humans and Natureand is enshrined as a socio-political-cultural guideline and alternative to the logics of eurocentrism, anthropocentrism, individualism and capitalism. Methodologically, the study is based on years of ethnographic fieldwork in Bolivia and a critical reading of previous studies of such subjects.

  • 29.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Magnus, Lembke
    Stockholms universitet.
    Territorialidad, indigeneidad y diálogo intercultural en Ecuador: Dilemas y desafíos en el proyecto del Estado Plurinacional2018In: Territorialidades otras: Visiones alternativas de la tierra y del territorio desde Ecuador / [ed] Johannes Waldmüller & Philipp Altmann, Quito: Ediciones La Tierra , 2018, p. 183-212Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 30.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science. Stockholm University.
    Maija, Merimaa
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland.
    The Discursive Paradox of Environmental Conflict: Between Ecologism and Economism in Ecuador2018In: Forum for Development Studies, ISSN 0803-9410, E-ISSN 1891-1765Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ecuador in times of the Rafael Correa government constitutes a prime example of the paradox of environmental conflict, in which all involved actors claim to represent the true vanguard concerning safeguarding of the environment and human conditions. The country presents the ecologically most progressive constitution in the world and also incorporates far-reaching recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights. Notwithstanding, the economy remains reliant on extractivism and the government argues that the revenues of extractive industries benefit the common good. Anchored in a distinction between environmentalism and ecologism, this article identifies and problematizes dominant narratives among the actors of the contentious discursive scenarios, and analyses how the state and its ecological-indigenous opposition aim to position themselves within the political conflict. The central questions are: How are eco-progressive politics perceived, defined and expressed in this setting of an intercultural and plurinational society economically reliant on natural resource extraction? Which values, interests and ontological assumptions are at stake and how are these expressed in the discursive struggle? The research is based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork, combined with critical reading of the previous literature and discourse analysis. The article contributes to politico-environmental debates in Ecuador and beyond and shows that environmental struggle is entangled in broader political disputes conditioned by global economic structures. It likewise communicates with debates on argumentative discourse and illustrates that the same core arguments can constitute the argumentative basis of rivalling actors in political struggles, thus emphasizing the centrality of the contextual framing amid ontological divides in contentious discursive settings.

  • 31.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Merimaa, Maija
    University of Helsinki, Finland.
    La paradoja político-ambiental ecuatoriana: The Ecuadorian Politico-Environmental Paradox2017In: Provincia, ISSN 1317-9535, no 37, p. 29-73Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ecuador in times of the Rafael Correa government constitutes a perfect example of the politico-environmental paradox, which deals with conflicts in which all involved actors –State authorities as well as ecologist and Indigenous opposition - claim to represent the true vanguard concerning safeguarding of the environment and human conditions. On the one hand, Ecuador presents the most progressive Constitution in the world regarding the protection of nature and it also incorporates far-reaching recognition of Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, the developmentalist economy based on extractivism has continued during the period and the government argues that the revenues of extractive industries benefit the common good (welfare reforms). Based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork in Ecuador, combined with critical reading of previous literature and analysis of public discourses, political documents and material obtained through participatory observation, this article identifies and problematizes the dominant narratives among the actors of the contentious discursive scenarios. It also analyzes how State authorities and their adversaries aim at positioning themselves towards the other in relation to extractivism and ecological concerns. How are (progressive) environmental politics and ecological concerns perceived, defined and expressed by different actors?

  • 32.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland / Stockholms universitet.
    Ospina Peralta, Pablo
    Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito.
    Movimiento Indígena y Revolución Ciudadana en Ecuador2012In: Cuestiones políticas, ISSN 0798-1406, Vol. 28, no 48, p. 13-50Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article highlights the relationship between the Ecuadorian indigenous movement and the progressive government of Rafael Correa and his PAIS Movement.The objective is to examine why the indigenous movement has decided to oppose the Correa government, despite initial common political concerns. To explain this paradox, both the recent political history of the indigenous movementas well as the attitudes and politics applied by the Correa administration are analyzed. Five fields of political discrepancy and differentiation are offered as probable explanations for the conflictive relationship between the indigenous organizationsand the Correa government. These interconnected themes that seek to explain the distancing are: an intercultural dilemma, opposition to extractivism,different attitudes toward social mobilization, agrarian policies and finally, the state policy labelled de-sectorization.

  • 33.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet.
    Velásquez-Atehortúa, Juan
    Stockholms universitet.
    El Protagonismo Femenino en la Radicalización de la Democracia Venezolana Bolivariana2013In: Revista Latino-Americana de Geografia e Gênero, ISSN 2177-2886, Vol. 4, no 2, p. 29-44Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this article is to examine the growing protagonism of women in the recently developed participatory structures within the framework of democratic transition in Venezuela, during thepresidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, mainly from 2006 onwards. While the degree of personalized political symbolic power has deepened during the period, at the same time the political system has changed, towards a model characterizedby broader political participation and social inclusion at grassroots level. The insurgence ofpopular sector women in the local political structures will be emphasized, as well as the female protagonism and empowerment in the radical participatory democracy in progress. In order to make this issue visible, the analytical focus will be placed mainly on one participatory model of the so called Bolivarian Revolution: the Community Councils, although other relevant mechanisms anddimensions of popular participation will be dealt with. Through these frameworks, a growing number of women from the popular sectors have found their own space of empowerment. Theoretically, this research connects to radical and participatory democracy debates, changing StateCitizenshiprelations and the empowerment of women who were previously excluded from the public spheres.

  • 34.
    Lalander, Rickard
    et al.
    Stockholms universitet.
    Velásquez-Atehortúa, Juan
    Stockholms universitet.
    ¿La Revolución tiene cara de mujer?: La feminización de la participación democrática en Venezuela2013In: Ecuador Debate, ISSN 1012-1498, no 88, p. 147-168Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [es]

    El objetivo del presente artículo es examinar el creciente protagonismo de mujeres en las nuevas estructuras participativas dentro del esquema de transformación de la democracia venezolana en tiempos de la administración del Presidente Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularmente a partir de 2006. Si bien es cierto que se ha acentuado el grado de personalismo político durante la era chavista, al mismo tiempo el sistema político ha cambiado de carácter, con más participación popular e inclusión social en las bases locales. Particularmente se enfatizan los mecanismos para animar a la participación política vecinal e inclusión social. Especialmente se enfatizarán los cambios en cuanto al surgimiento de mujeres en las estructuras políticas locales y su protagonismo en la emergente democracia participativa. Para lograr visibilizar eso se analizan dos modelos participativos de la llamada Revolución Bolivariana: los Consejos Comunales y las Salas de Batalla Social. Dentro de estos esquemas una gran cantidad de mujeres de los sectores populares han encontrado su propio espacio de empoderamiento. Teóricamente, el estudio se vincula con los debates de democracia radical y participativa, relaciones Estado-ciudadanía y el empoderamiento de las mujeres que anteriormente estaban excluidas de las esferas públicas.

  • 35.
    Ospina Peralta, Pablo
    et al.
    Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    Razones de un distanciamiento político: El Movimiento Indígena ecuatoriano y la Revolución Ciudadana2012In: Observatorio Social de América Latina - OSAL, ISSN 1515-3282, no 32, p. 117-134Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite sharing common initial political concerns, the relationship between the Ecuadorian Indigenous movement –mainly represented by the CONAIE confederation- and the Leftist government of Rafael Correa and his PAIS movement has been characterized by conflicts and disagreements. This is the central contradiction behind this article. The objective of the study is to analytically explore particular reasons behind this conflictive relationship since the establishment of the Correa government from 2007 onwards. Four interconnected thematic fields are emphasized as likely explanations to the disagreement and distance between the indigenous organizations and the government. These programmatic differences are: opposition against resource exploitation, attitudes towards social mobilization, agrarian politics, and lastly, the state policy we label de-sectorization.

  • 36.
    Porsani, Juliana
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Södertörn University, School of Natural Sciences, Technology and Environmental Studies, Environmental Science.
    Why Does Deliberative Community Consultation in Large-Scale Land Acquisitions Fail?: A Critical Analysis of Mozambican Experiences2018In: Revista iberoamericana de estudios de desarrollo / Iberoamerican Journal of Development Studies, E-ISSN 2254-2035, Vol. 7, no 2, p. 164-193Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Community consultation prior to large-scale land acquisitions (LSLA) is a cornerstone that justifies the portrayal of projects as partnerships or land grabs. This study focuses on one of the countries most targeted by LSLA in the last decade, namely, Mozambique. We examine the legal and theoretical bases that support community consultations and analyse their corresponding everyday practices in Mozambique. The article argues that, although the existence of these participatory forums is inspired by normative ideals of popular deliberation, the prevailing practices in these spaces are diametrically opposed to deliberative foundations and values. As shown in this study, this mismatch between theory that is institutionalized in legal frameworks and practice derives largely from the interplay of hierarchical relations anchored in, inter alia, formal and customary ethnically based realms, gender disparities, and livelihood orientations. A core argument of the article is that any attempt to ameliorate these practices must consider critical insights regarding the centrality of enhancing social equality and inclusion in participatory spaces —challenges that are immense in places marked by deep structural inequalities.

  • 37.
    Velásquez-Atehortúa, Juan
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Lalander, Rickard
    Stockholms universitet.
    La ciudadanía insurgente de las mujeres de barrios populares en Venezuela: Reflexiones sobre los consejos comunales y las salas de batalla /The Insurgent Citizenship of Barrio Women in Venezuela. Reflections on the Community Councils and the Social Battle Rooms2015In: Espacio Abierto, ISSN 1315-0006, Vol. 4, no 3, p. 45-68Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article aims to analyze certain characteristics of the Venezuelan democratic transformation during the Presidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularly from 2002 onwards and with a specific focus on the emergence of barrio women in the new participatory structures. There will be particular attention to the mechanisms enhancing local political participation and social inclusion through the Community Councils (Consejos Comunales) and the Social Battle Rooms (Salas de Batalla Social). Within these instances barrio women had increasingly discovered their own space for individual and collective empowerment. barrio women’s participation in such instances frames a process of gender equality based in scale complementarity in which the structures of macro-politics more dominated by men, while those of micro-politics are generally subjugated by barrio women. In this study barrio women’s instances of micro-politics will be conceptualized in terms of insurgent citizenship. The article connects thus to theoretical debates on radical participatory democracy, State-society relations, and the empowerment of barrio women that previously were excluded from the public sphere.

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