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  • 1. Brännström, Leila
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Genom lagen blir vi alla lika/olika2004Ingår i: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, nr 14-15, s. 28-37Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 2.
    de Moor, Joost
    et al.
    Stockholm University.
    Uba, KatrinUppsala University.Wahlström, MattiasUniversity of Gothenburg.Wennerhag, MagnusSödertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.De Vydt, MichielUniversity of Antwerp, Antwerpen, Belgium.
    Protest for a future II: Composition, mobilization and motives of the participants in Fridays For Future climate protests on 20-27 September, 2019, in 19 cities around the world2020Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In September 2019, the third Global Climate Strike organized by the Fridays For Future (FFF) protest campaign mobilized 6000 protest events in 185 countries and brought 7.6 million participants out onto the streets. This report analyses survey data about participants from 19 cities around the world and compares it to data from an international survey conducted in 13 European cities in March 2019. Both surveys collected data following the well-established “Caught in the Act of Protest” survey methodology in order to generate representative samples.  What makes FFF new and particularly interesting is the involvement of schoolchildren and students as initiators, organizers and participants in climate activism on a large scale. The September mobilizations differed from the March events in the explicit call for adults to join the movement. Although older age cohorts were more strongly represented in September, young people continued to make up a substantial portion of the protestors – almost one third of demonstrators were aged 19 or under. Additionally, there was a high proportion of female FFF protestors. In both surveys nearly 60% of participants identified as female – with the largest share among the youngest demonstrators. Overwhelming majorities of adult participants were well educated and had a university degree. Moreover, a large proportion of young people participating in the September strikes had parents who had studied at university level.  Despite the young age of the participants, interpersonal mobilization was the predominant method of recruitment to the strikes, particularly among friends and schoolmates. However, the growth in the size and popularity of the movement also includes a growing share of people who participate alone. Around a quarter of adults fit this category, as well as an initially small but growing number of young people. When expressing their emotions concerning climate change and global warming, the majority of protesters felt worried, frustrated and angered, as well as anxious about the future, although they did not often express a feeling of hopelessness. Therefore, despite a general tendency of decreasing hopefulness that important environmental issues can be addressed through policies, FFF participants show that their action is driven by feelings, awareness of the issues and a willingness to engage in finding solutions. In answer to a series of questions concerning solutions to environmental problems, respondents were divided over whether modern science could be relied on to solve environmental problems. Agreement varied between cities and age-groups on the degree to which they thought stopping climate change could be accomplished through voluntary individual lifestyle changes. However, there was more unity in skepticism towards relying on companies and the market to solve these problems.  In conclusion, surveys of the strikes in March and September indicate important elements of continuity, as well as a small degree of change. Female participants and people with higher education predominate, interpersonal mobilization – particularly among friends – remains a central factor in recruiting support, and protesters are mostly driven by feelings of frustration, anger and anxiety. However, the age of protestors is becoming more diverse, protesters’ hopefulness seems to be in decline, and the “Greta effect” is becoming less influential. The report findings suggest that the movement is becoming more established although its emotional basis for mobilization may be changing.

  • 3.
    de Moor, Joost
    et al.
    Stockholm University.
    Uba, Katrin
    Uppsala University.
    Wahlström, Mattisas
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Emilsson, Kajsa
    Lund University.
    Johansson, Håkan
    Lund University.
    Country reports: Sweden2019Ingår i: Protest for a future: Composition, mobilization and motives of the participants in Fridays For Future climate protests on 15 March, 2019 in 13 European cities / [ed] Mattias Wahlström, Piotr Kocyba, Michiel De Vydtand & Joost de Moor, 2019, s. 19-31Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 4.
    Ekman, Joakim
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Sörbom, Adrienne
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Thörn, Håkan
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Förslag mot extremism hotar demokratisk grund2014Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter, ISSN 1101-2447, nr 5 apri, s. 6-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 5.
    Elgenius, Gabriella
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    The changing political landscape of Sweden: Political cleavages, actors and processes2018Ingår i: Sociologisk forskning, ISSN 0038-0342, Vol. 55, nr 2-3, s. 139-154Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right–left scale has been challenged by socio-cultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. The corporatist model has been challenged by new forms of political authority, participation and representation. New political actors, such as social movements and civil society actors, think tanks and policy professionals, are becoming increasingly engaged in political processes. The long-term trend suggests that traditionally marginalised groups, such as the young, women and groups of migrant background, are represented in decision-making forums to a higher degree than before. Yet, current conditions need further analysis. In this article, we provide a background to Sociologisk Forskning’s special issue on the political landscape of the parliamentary election in 2018.

  • 6.
    Emilsson, Kajsa
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Johansson, Håkan
    Lund University.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Frame Disputes or Frame Consensus?: "Environment" or "Welfare" First Amongst Climate Strike Protesters2020Ingår i: Sustainability, ISSN 2071-1050, E-ISSN 2071-1050, Vol. 12, nr 3, artikel-id 882Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Present debates suppose a close linkage between economic, social, and environmental sustainability and suggest that individual wellbeing and living standards need to be understood as directly linked to environmental concerns. Because social movements are often seen as an avant-garde in pushing for change, this article analyzes climate protesters’ support for three key frames in current periods of social transformation, i.e., an "environmental", an "economic growth", and a "welfare" frame. The analyzed data material consists of survey responses from over 900 participants in six Global Climate Strikes held in Sweden during 2019. The article investigates the explanatory relevance of three factors: (a) political and ideological orientation, (b) movement involvement, and (c) social characteristics. The results indicate that climate protesters to a large degree support an environmental frame before an economic growth-oriented frame, whereas the situation is more complex regarding support for a welfare frame vis-á-vis an environmental frame. The strongest factors explaining frame support include social characteristics (gender) and protestors’ political and ideological orientation. Movement involvement has limited significance. The article shows how these frames form a fragment of the complexity of these issues, and instances of frame distinctions, hierarchies, and disputes emerge within the most current forms of climate change demonstrations.

  • 7. Gudenäs, Henrik
    et al.
    Kalat, Anders
    Magnusson, Jonas (J)
    Spindler, Fredrika
    Södertörns högskola, Avdelning 1, Filosofi.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri: Imperiet2003Övrigt (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 8.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    National Myth-Making and Populist Mobilization in Scandinavia2013Ingår i: Partecipazione e conflitto, ISSN 1972-7623, Vol. 6, nr 3, s. 30-53Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses if and how the Sweden Democrats (the SD), the Danish People’s Party (the DPP) and the Progress Party (the PP) in Norway use myths of national exclusiveness and myths about the common people to radicalize popularly held sentiments to attract votes and gain political credibility in political space. The specific contribution is that we consider national myths to be a relevant political opportunity structure in the political competition of the votes. We conclude that both the SD and the DPP make use of national myths to gain credibility in the political space, in order to sustain populist mobilization in these countries. However, this is not the case with the PP in Norway. One possible explanation is that already before the PP emerged, other political parties in Norway, such as the Centre Party, occupied the niche of national myths in the electoral market.

  • 9.
    Hylmö, Anders
    et al.
    Lunds universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Does class matter in anti-austerity protests?: Social class, attitudes towards inequality, and political trust in European demonstrations in a time of economic crisis2015Ingår i: Austerity and Protest: Popular Contention in Times of Economic Crisis / [ed] Marco Giugni & Maria T. Grasso, Farnham: Ashgate, 2015, s. 83-107Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this chapter, we compare the class composition of four types of anti-austerity demonstrations—Occupy/Indignados, trade union, May Day and other anti-austerity protests—with “new social movement” demonstrations. This allow us to, firstly, scrutinize whether contemporary anti-austerity protests attract more participants from the lower classes—in particular the working class—than from the upper strata. Since austerity policies tend to affect the general population differently, and in particular worsen the social conditions for the lower classes, it is interesting to see whether these policies mobilize the groups that are primarily affected by them. In this comparison, we explore and analyze survey data from 75 demonstrations collected within the research program “Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation” (CCC). Secondly, we use the same data to examine the impact of social class on political attitudes among protesters, focusing issues that have been at the forefront during the last few years’ wave of protest: deepening social inequality, welfare privatization, and distrust in political elites. This analysis allow us to scrutinize to which degree the “framing” of the protests possibly contributes to the demonstrators’ attitudes towards austerity measures, economic inequality and their governments—or if the attitudes of the protesters are best explained by their individual social class, or even the national context in which the demonstration takes place.Social class is measured in two different ways. First, with the recently developed occupation-based Oesch class scheme, in which class is conceptualized as the individual’s “objective” position in the labor market. Secondly, we focus individuals’ self-categorizations of which class they belong to, i.e. their class identity, which can be seen as the “subjective” side of class. Our analysis also show the different merits of these two conceptualizations of class for analyzing political protests.

  • 10. Johan, Lindgren
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Sociala rörelser, heterogenitet och enhet: en kommentar med nedslag i två sociala forum2004Ingår i: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, nr 16-17, s. 111-125Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 11.
    Johansson, Håkan
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Scaramuzzino, Roberto
    Lund University.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Multilevel Strategies for Political Influence: How and Why Do Domestic Civil Society Organisations Seek Political Influence at National and EU Levels?2018Ingår i: Journal of Contemporary European Research, ISSN 1815-347X, E-ISSN 1815-347X, Vol. 14, nr 2, s. 68-86Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article addresses domestic civil society organisations (CSOs) and their multilevel strategies for gaining political influence in the European Union. Drawing on a theoretical framework identifying different ‘routes’ that CSOs can take in a multilevel system of EU governance, this article analyses which routes or combination of routes CSOs take and investigates what organisational factors can explain similarities and differences among domestic CSOs’ multilevel strategies for political influence. Factors like type of organisation, organisational resources, level of activity and perceived relevance of national and EU political levels are combined. The article shows that CSOs tend to choose a combination of routes and that most of them also participate at the national level when trying to influence EU policy. The article furthermore finds that domestic CSOs seek to influence EU policies above all when they organise around issues that face potential conflicts between national and EU policies, illustrating the analytical significance of how CSOs perceive different political levels.

  • 12.
    Johansson, Håkan
    et al.
    Lund universitet.
    Scaramuzzino, Roberto
    Lund universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Social Movements and Interest Groups Compared: How organisational type matters for explaining Swedish organisations’ advocacy strategies2019Ingår i: PArticipation and COnflict, ISSN 1972-7623, E-ISSN 2035-6609, Vol. 12, nr 2, s. 353-381Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The divide between interest groups and social movement studies runs deep, but present developments call for a renewed focus on the relevance of these analytical categories. Both of these two forms of collective action relate to organisations that are assumed to follow distinctive logics and strategies for political influence. This article aims to contribute to the debates on the analytical difference between interest groups and social movements by comparing their political strategies and addressing the relevance of the typology for explaining organisations’ use of political strat-egies. The paper draws on a dataset resulting from a large survey among Swedish civil society organisations among which clear cases of interest group organisations and “old” and “new” social movement organisations (SMOs) were identified. The results show that the distinction between interest groups and social movement organisations has some analytical value when it comes to explaining the use of different types of strategies: e.g. direct lobbying and media-based and protest-based strategies. Also, the distinction between old and new SMOs is shown to be relevant because old SMOs seem to be in a way “in between” interest groups and new SMOs suggesting that social movements tend to develop over time and to become more similar to interest groups.

  • 13.
    Jämte, Jan
    et al.
    Örebro universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Brottsförebyggande åtgärder mot radikala vänsterrörelser: effekter och erfarenheter2019Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Under senare år har lokala myndigheter utvecklat brottsförebyggande åtgärder för att motverka politiskt motiverad våldsanvändning och ”våldsbejakande extremism”. I detta projekt undersöks hur lärare, socialarbetare och poliser på lokal nivå tolkar och utför sitt uppdrag inom det specifika arbetet mot ”vänsterextremism” samt hur vänsterradikala aktivister uppfattar och påverkas av dessa åtgärder.

  • 14. Lindgren, Johan
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Solidaritet under nya förutsättningar: Introduktion till Stjernø, Brunkhorst och Karagiannis2018Ingår i: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, nr 58-59, s. 46-50Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    I detta avsnitt vill vi kasta ljus över de intellektuella och politiska sammanhang som format solidaritetsbegreppet och lyfta fram några samhällsteoretiska diskussioner om solidaritetens förändrade förutsättningar. Avsnittets tre texter belyser hur solidaritetsbegreppet växt fram och diskuterar dess relevans för förståelsen av vår egen tids dominerande utvecklingstendenser och motsättningar.

  • 15. Lindgren, Johan
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. Göteborgs universitet / Lunds universitet.
    Vår tids globala aktivister2014Ingår i: Det hållbara samhället: kan det byggas underifrån? / [ed] Mats Friberg, Stockholm: Liber, 2014, s. 288-304Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 16.
    Peterson, A.
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wahlström, M.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. University of Gothenburg.
    ‘Normalized’ Pride?: Pride parade participants in six European countries2018Ingår i: Sexualities, ISSN 1363-4607, E-ISSN 1461-7382, Vol. 21, nr 7, s. 1146-1169Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Based on quantitative survey data collected during Pride parades in six European countries – the Czech Republic, Great Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland – we analyse who participates in Pride parades. Engaging with the so-called protest normalization thesis we ask: are Pride parade participants, aside from sexual orientation, representative of the wider populace? In none of the countries could we find indications that Pride participants mirror the general populations. The parades remain dominated by well-educated, middle strata youth, rich in political resources. However, we find variation between countries, which we link to differences in elite and public support for LGBT rights. © 2017, The Author(s) 2017.

  • 17.
    Peterson, Abby
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Pride Parades and LGBT Movements: Political Participation in an International Comparative Perspective2018 (uppl. 1)Bok (Refereegranskat)
  • 18.
    Peterson, Abby
    et al.
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Swedish trade unionism: A renewed social movement?2012Ingår i: Economic and Industrial Democracy, ISSN 0143-831X, E-ISSN 1461-7099, Vol. 33, nr 4, s. 621-647Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Claims as to the emergence of a new phase of unionism - social movement unionism - returning to its original 'counter-cultural roots', are closely allied with the claims as to a 'new labour internationalism' that is a significant break from the influential postwar trend of nation-statist unionism. This article interrogates these two popular paradigms from the perspective of the Swedish labour movement. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with union officials, as well as quantitative analysis of union homepage content and responses to surveys among May Day demonstrators. The general conclusion as regards social movement unionism in Sweden is that the major unions, although increasingly interested in cooperation with social movement organizations, are still far from changing the repertoire of action that has been predominant in the postwar period. International solidarity - among both union officials and grassroots activists - is strongly ambivalent, and attitudes to international support oscillate between charity and self-interest.

  • 19.
    Peterson, Abby
    et al.
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Christancho, Camilo
    Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain.
    Sabucedo, Jose-Manuel
    University of Santiago De Compostela, Spain.
    May Day demonstrations in five European countries2012Ingår i: Mobilization, ISSN 1086-671X, E-ISSN 1938-1514, Vol. 17, nr 3, s. 281-300Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we argue that there is an element of rituality in all political demonstrations. This rituality can be either primarily oriented toward the past and designed to consolidate the configuration of political power-hence official-or oriented towards the future and focused on challenging existing power structures-hence oppositional. We apply this conceptual framework in a comparison of May Day demonstrations in Belgium, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom in 2010. The demonstrations display significant differences in terms of officiality and oppositionality. Our study provides strong evidence that these differences cannot be explained solely-if at all-by stable elements of the national political opportunity structures. Instead, differences in degrees of oppositionality and officiality among May Day demonstrations should be primarily understood in terms of cultural traditions in combination with volatile factors such as the political orientation of the incumbent government and the level of grievances.

  • 20.
    Piotrowski, Grzegorz
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Always against the state?: An analysis of Polish and Swedish radical left-libertarian activists’ interaction with institutionalized politics2015Ingår i: PArticipation and COnflict, ISSN 1972-7623, E-ISSN 2035-6609, Vol. 8, nr 3, s. 845-875Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Radical left-libertarian movements are often regarded as primarily seeking ways to accom-plish social and political change outside the framework of institutionalized politics. Previous research, however, has paid little or no attention to the question of these activists’ actual interactions with institu-tionalized politics, nor has it addressed the ways these interactions could be understood in relation to their overall strategies and ideology. This article therefore explores whether, and to what extent, such interaction actually occurs and analyzes the meanings and motives radical left-libertarian activists – from anarchist, autonomist, and anarcho-syndicalist groups – attribute to various types of political actions, ranging from voting and lobbying to protests and direct action. We furthermore compare activists in Po-land and Sweden, in order to scrutinize whether cross-country differences in “political opportunities” affects the activists’ political strategies and ideas about how social and political change can best be ac-complished. Contrary to popular beliefs and many activists’ own self-declarations, our analysis shows that radical left-libertarian groups do in fact try to achieve political change by interacting with institution-alized politics. While radical left-libertarian activists do in most cases prefer “direct action”, this article explores how a more complex relationship to institutionalized politics allows them to accomplish real and immediate changes at the grassroots level.

  • 21.
    Scaramuzzino, Roberto
    et al.
    Lunds universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Civil Society Organizations Going European?: The Europeanization of Swedish CSOs2015Ingår i: SAGE Open, ISSN 2158-2440, E-ISSN 2158-2440, Vol. 5, nr 2, s. 1-14Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This study explores factors that influence Swedish civil society organizations’ (CSOs) degree of activity at different geographical and administrative levels and, in particular, how they are affected by processes of Europeanization in the social welfare policy area. The present study is based on a national survey and includes approximately 1,600 Swedish CSOs. Despite the often claimed mismatch between the Swedish welfare model and European Union (EU) level social policy measures, EU membership has opened a new level of opportunities for activities for Swedish CSOs. The results show that Swedish CSOs are mostly active at the local level and very seldom at the European level. The strongest factor contributing to Swedish CSOs’ degree of activity at the European level is the perceived relevance of this level. Furthermore, resources have a great impact. CSOs that can claim strong representativeness and that have access to employed staff are more likely to be Europeanized.

  • 22.
    Scaramuzzino, Roberto
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Europeanization of Swedish civil society: Motives, activities, and perceived consequences2018Ingår i: Europeanization in Sweden: opportunities and challenges for civil society / [ed] Anna Meeuwisse & Roberto Scaramuzzino, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2018, s. 75-107Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 23.
    Scaramuzzino, Roberto
    et al.
    Lund Univeristy.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Factors Explaining Swedish Civil Society Organizations’ Europeanization2018Ingår i: Europeanization in Sweden: opportunities and challenges for civil society / [ed] Anna Meeuwisse & Roberto Scaramuzzino, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2018, s. 108-120Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 24.
    Scaramuzzino, Roberto
    et al.
    Lunds universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. Göteborgs universitet.
    Vägen till Europa: Det svenska civilsamhället och EU2017Ingår i: Civilsamhället i det transnationella rummet / [ed] Filip Wijkström, Marta Reuter & Abbas Emami, Stockholm: European Civil Society Press , 2017, s. 151-183Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [sv]

    EU är en allt viktigare del av det transnationella rum som både påverkar civilsamhällets villkor och erbjuder dess organisationer nya möjligheter till inflytande, samverkan och finansiering. Allt fler frågor hanteras på europeiska arenor med konsekvenser även för organisationslivet. Kapitlet bygger på analysen av en enkätundersökning som besvarats av organisationer i det svenska civilsamhället. Fokus ligger på den europeiska nivåns betydelse, på relationen mellan dessa organisationer och EU, och en intressant bild framträder. Ett fåtal organisationer nyttjar de ”vägar till EU” som internationell forskning har identifierat, medan de flesta uppvisar ett märkbart ointresse för EU som plattform för samarbeten och politisk påverkan.

  • 25.
    Sörbom, Adrienne
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    A Matter of ‘Extremism’?: Ideas about democracy and political change within Anarchist and Autonomist activists in Sweden2013Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this paper is to identify the relationship towards democracy amongst anarchist and autonomist movement activists. Using the case of activists in Sweden, we scrutinize the relationship to the idea and practice of democracy found in contemporary radical left. How is democracy framed in groups such as these? By so doing we wish to add to and develop the research field on left movements and parties that sometimes are labeled “extreme”. We believe that the “extremism” concept is troublesome in several ways, mainly since it is an ‘asymmetrical concept’ in Koselleck’s sense. In spite of this acknowledgement, we will tentatively use it, in order to mirror and thereby capture how “democracy”, as an idea and practice, is framed by anarchist and autonomous activists.

     

    In the paper we compare the notion of extremism with the ideas of autonomous and anarchist activist activists in Sweden. The five common elements attributed to the concept of extremism could not be found in the interviews. To the contrary, using the concept in order to find extremism showed a pattern of values usually attributed to the concept of ”deliberative democracy”.

     

  • 26.
    Sörbom, Adrienne
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Begreppet extremism - en kritisk introduktion2016Ingår i: ARKIV. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, ISSN 2000-6225, E-ISSN 2000-6217, nr 5, s. 15-37Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [sv]

    Termen ”extremism” har blivit vanligare inom både svensk offentlig debatt och myndighetsprosa. I sådana sammanhang är det dock sällan klart exakt vad som avses med denna term. Inte heller inom samhällsvetenskapen är begreppet extre­ mism oomstritt och inom olika forskningsfält används begreppet på olika sätt. Syftet med Adrienne Sörbom och Magnus Wennerhags artikel är att belysa extremismbegrep­ pets uppkomst och förändrade betydelse under moderniteten, samt att diskutera några av de problem som begreppet är behäftat med. Med hjälp av bland annat vetenskaps­ sociologen Thomas F. Gieryns begrepp ”gränsdragningsarbete” (boundary-work) visar Sörbom och Wennerhag hur begreppet extremism används i fältet mellan vetenskap, politik och samhällsdebatt. Författarnas huvudsakliga poäng är att begreppets utgångs­ punkt i en tydligt normativ föreställning om politiska avvikelser gör det mindre använd­ bart i vetenskapliga sammanhang, eftersom det enbart tar dessa avvikelser för givna och inte erbjuder några förklaringar om varför de uppkommer eller vilken roll de spelar i moderna samhällen. 

  • 27. Sörbom, Adrienne
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Individualization, Life Politics, and the Reformulation of Social Critique: an Analysis of the Global Justice Movement2013Ingår i: Critical Sociology, ISSN 0896-9205, E-ISSN 1569-1632, Vol. 39, nr 3, s. 453-478Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Taking the contemporary political activism of ‘the Global Justice Movement’ as an illustrative case, this article scrutinizes some influential theoretical ideas about the consequences of ‘individualization’ for collective political action. Quite often, this process is seen as implying a new politics of individual life style – ‘life politics’ – which is associated with new social movements and claimed to have gained importance since the 1960s, on the expense of the collective ‘emancipatory politics’ being associated with ‘old social movements’ such as the Labor Movement. In the light of the article’s empirical findings, this alleged division between life politics and emancipatory politics is questioned, and it is argued that these two kinds of politics should be understood as intertwined practices. The article’s theoretically grounded analysis is based on quantitative data from a survey of participants at the fifth European Social Forum. These data are interpreted and further explored using qualitative interviews with activists.

  • 28. Sörbom, Adrienne
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Jag och resten av världen2008Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, nr 1, s. 3-32Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 29.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Peterson, Abby
    University of Gothenburg.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. University of Gothenburg.
    "Conscience Adherents" Revisited: Non-Lgbt Pride Parade Participants2018Ingår i: Mobilization, ISSN 1086-671X, E-ISSN 1938-1514, Vol. 23, nr 1, s. 83-100Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of "conscience adherents" and "conscience constituents," first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, based on interviews with Pride parade organizers, we argue that mobilizations based on a more inclusive political strategy will attract more non-LGBT participants.

  • 30.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    et al.
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. Göteborgs universitet.
    Alone in the crowd: Lone protesters in Western European demonstrations2014Ingår i: International Sociology, ISSN 0268-5809, E-ISSN 1461-7242, Vol. 29, nr 6, s. 565-583Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    While corroborating the fact that the majority of protesters attend demonstrations together with friends, family and/or fellow members of their organizations, this article shows that protesting alone remains an option for many people – under the right circumstances. Through multilevel analysis of survey data from participants in 69 demonstrations in eight Western European countries, the authors study lone protesters in different types of demonstrations. On the individual level, they show that protesting alone is closely linked to relative detachment from interpersonal mobilizing networks, as well as to short decision times. The authors also develop demonstration-level explanations for why lone protesters are more common in some demonstrations than in others. Precipitating events and inclusive social movement communities increase the proportion of lone demonstrators, which is also higher in static rallies than in moving demonstrations. These factors arguably make personal networks less crucial for protest mobilization.

  • 31. Wahlström, Mattias
    et al.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Methods for studying May Day demonstrators: Sampling, estimating non-response bias and pooling data with general population surveys2016Ingår i: The Ritual of May Day in Western Europe: Past, Present and Future / [ed] Abby Peterson & Herbert Reiter, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2016, s. 262-278Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter concerns some methodological aspects of protest surveys and data analysis. We start by providing an overview of the demonstrations we surveyed, describe the protest survey sampling method and proceed to an analysis of non-response bias. Thereafter we discuss how we combine the data from different demonstrations into averages, and we also discuss some of the more technical aspects of coding.

  • 32.
    Wahlström, Mattias
    et al.
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. Göteborgs universitet.
    Rootes, Christopher
    University of Kent.
    Framing “The Climate Issue”: Patterns of Participation and Prognostic Frames among Climate Summit Protesters2013Ingår i: Global Environmental Politics, ISSN 1526-3800, E-ISSN 1536-0091, Vol. 13, nr 4, s. 101-122Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Did the protests surrounding recent climate summits mark the emergence of a climate justice movement? We analyze responses to surveys of three large demonstrations in Copenhagen, Brussels, and London, organized in connection with the 2009 UN Climate Change Conference (COP-15) to determine who demonstrated, and how and why the collective action frames employed by demonstrators varied. The demonstrations were products of the mobilization of broad coalitions of groups, and we find significant variation in demonstrators' prognostic framings—the ways in which they formulated solutions to climate problems. Most notably, there was a tension between system-critical framings and those oriented around individual action. A large proportion of demonstrators expressed affinity with the global justice movement (GJM), but we find little evidence of an emerging “climate justice” frame among rank-and-file protesters. Individual variations in framing reflect differences between the mobilization contexts of the three demonstrations, the perspectives and values of individual participants, and the extent of their identification with the GJM.

  • 33.
    Wahlström, Mattisas
    et al.
    University of Gothenburg.
    Sommer, Moritz
    Institute for Social Movement Studies (ipb), Germany.
    Kocyba, Piotr
    Technical University of Chemnitz, Germany.
    De Vydt, Michiel
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    de Moor, Joost
    Stockholm University.
    Davies, Stephen
    Wouters, Ruud
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    van Stekelenburg, Jacquelien
    VU Amsterdam, Netherlands.
    Uba, Katrin
    Uppsala University.
    Saunders, Clare
    University of Exeter, United Kingdom.
    Rucht, Dieter
    Institute for Social Movement Studies (ipb), Germany.
    Mikecz, Dániel
    MTA (Hungarian Academy of Scienes), Hungary.
    Zamponi, Lorenzo
    Scuola Normal Superiore, Italy.
    Lorenzini, Jasmine
    University of Geneva, Switzerland.
    Kołczyńska, Marta
    Haunss, Sebastian
    Institute for Social Movement Studies (ipb), Germany.
    Giugni, Marco
    University of Geneva, Switzerland.
    Gaidyte, Teodora
    VU Amsterdam, Netherlands.
    Doherty, Brian
    Keele University, United Kingdom.
    Buzogany, Aron
    University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences, Vienna, Austria.
    Fridays For Future: a new generation of climate activism: Introduction to contry reports2019Ingår i: Protest for a future: Composition, mobilization and motives of the participants in Fridays For Future climate protests on 15 March, 2019 in 13 European cities / [ed] Mattias Wahlström, Piotr Kocyba, Michiel De Vydtand & Joost de Moor, 2019, s. 6-18Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 34.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Another Modernity is Possible?: The Global Justice Movement and the Transformations of Politics2010Ingår i: Distinktion Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory, ISSN 1600-910X, E-ISSN 2159-9149, Vol. 11, nr 2, s. 25-49Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Using and expanding upon the conception of ‘successive modernities’ that has recently been developed within social theory, this article offers an interpretation of the political aims, ideas, and practices of the ‘global justice movement’ and argues that this contemporary social movement is best understood as an expression of the tensions characterizing the prevailing configuration of Western modernity in our own time. Social movements have often simultaneously challenged, changed, and sustained the institutions, norms, and habits of modern societies. Placing the global justice movement in this historical context, the author elaborates how the notion of the creative capacities of social movements has hitherto been discussed in several major theories about social movements and modernity. The article argues that the movements mobilized since the 1990s in response to issues related to globalization should neither be seen as revolts against the demise of ‘organized modernity’, nor as heralding a new type of Western modernity. Instead, the critique and political claims of the global justice movement are, according to the author, better interpreted as expressing a will to realize a ‘third modernity’ in an alternative way that stresses the values of participatory democracy, democratization of international economic institutions, and the strengthening of social equality on a global level. Thus, the movement should foremost be seen as articulating a crisis in the forms of politics and democracy during our present epoch of modernity.

  • 35. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Avnationaliserade stater och globala konstellationer: Magnus Wennerhag intervjuar Saskia Sassen2006Ingår i: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, nr 22-23, s. 147-157Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 36.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Bråk – men ingen repris av Båstad -682009Ingår i: Aftonbladet, ISSN 1103-9000, nr 8 marsArtikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 37.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    De sociala forumens historia2008Ingår i: Stockholms fria tidning, ISSN 1650-4674, nr 28 juniArtikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 38.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi. Göteborgs universitet.
    Demonstrerandets normalisering?2012Ingår i: I framtidens skugga: fyrtiotvå kapitel om politik, medier och samhälle : SOM-undersökningen 2011 / [ed] Lennart Weibull, Henrik Oscarsson och Annika Bergström, Göteborg: SOM-institutet , 2012, s. 79-94Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 39.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Den globala rättviserörelsen är inte död2011Ingår i: Göteborgs fria tidning, ISSN 1651-1190, nr 11 juniArtikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 40. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Den legitima protesten2003Ingår i: Sydsvenska dagbladet, ISSN 1104-0068, nr 30 januari, s. B2-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 41. Wennerhag, Magnus
    En annan värld är möjlig2007Ingår i: En ny demokrati / [ed] Erik Amnå, Stockholm: Global utmaning , 2007, s. 63-72Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 42.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    En värld där makten inte går i arv: den är möjlig2009Ingår i: Aftonbladet, ISSN 1103-9000, nr 1 februariArtikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 43. Wennerhag, Magnus
    En värld i rörelse2004Ingår i: Sydsvenska dagbladet, ISSN 1104-0068, nr 20 januari, s. B2-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 44.
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Sociologi.
    Enfrågerörelser eller morgondagens sakpolitik?2008Ingår i: Tvärdrag : en tidning för debatt och kritik / utgiven av Sveriges socialdemokratiska ungdomsförbund, ISSN 0281-2657, nr 4Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 45. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Essän: Vem vill vara en kameleont?2003Ingår i: Helsingborgs dagblad, ISSN 1103-9388, nr 9 november, s. 22-Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 46. Wennerhag, Magnus
    FK, Gramsci och Den nya människan2000Ingår i: Kultur, teori, praxis: Kultursociologi i Lund / [ed] José F Pacheco, Lund: Sociol. inst., Univ. , 2000, s. 208-215Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 47. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Global rörelse: Den globala rättviserörelsen och modernitetens omvandlingar2008Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 48. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Globaliseringsrörelsen: en ny social rörelse eller en klassisk konfliktdimension i nytt sammanhang?2003Ingår i: Sociologisk forskning, ISSN 0038-0342, nr 3, s. 27-35Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 49. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Globalization Movement Comes to Town2002Ingår i: Studies in Political Economy, ISSN 0707-8552, nr 67, s. 107-121Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 50. Wennerhag, Magnus
    Globalrörelsens politik2008Ingår i: Arena, ISSN 1652-0556, nr 2, s. 52-55Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
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