Landets lärarutbildningar har problem med att förbereda framtidens lärare för den alltmer digitaliserade skolan. Digital kompetens är redan en integrerad del i skolornas verksamhet men lärarstudenter, skolor, lärarfack, politiker, teknikföretag och andra pekar på att landets lärarutbildningar släpar efter. Vår uppkopplade samtid behöver också satsningar på medie- och informationskunnighet (MIK). I den här artikeln beskriver och reflekterar tre lärarutbildare från Södertörns högskola över sitt arbete med MIK som inom ramen för en pågående satsning i lärarutbildningen används som samlingsterm för tre förmågor som både lärarstudenter och lärarutbildare bör nå: digital kompetens, mediekunnighet och informationskunnighet. Målsättningen med att implementera dessa tre förmågor och begrepp på lärarutbildningen har varit att kombinera konkret tillämpning och kritisk reflektion för att på så sätt skapa förutsättningar för att utbilda medie- och teknikmedvetna lärare för den digitaliserade skolan och det medialiserade samhället. I artikeln diskuteras organisatoriska och praktiska utmaningar med ett sådant utvecklingsarbete samt vikten av samverkan, erfarenhetsutbyte och kontinuitet. En slutsats är att det är viktigt att tänka på digitala medier inte bara i termer av verktyg utan också som miljöer inom vilka lärarutbildningen ska utbilda digitalt kompetenta lärare för framtiden och samtidigt behålla sin autonomi visavi starka externa ekonomiska, politiska och pedagogiska krafter.

In this is paper I address some issues related to the paradigmatic shift in the use of media in schools called “1:1”. This term refers to that each student and teacher get his or her personal, mobile device such as a laptop or tablet computer (e.g. iPad). This process also leads to a more intensified use of online services and digital platforms. All over Sweden and on all levels of the schools system the shift to 1:1 is ongoing. This shift affects the teacher profession and the role of the student and the whole knowledge process. With 1:1 the mediatization of education also becomes more obvious as 1:1 open up the school institution not only to multimodal media formats and digital culture but also to ICT-media-companies such as Apple and Google who come to influence pedagogics, teaching material and also ways of thinking about media literacy. 1:1 has attracted quite a lot of attention from Swedish pedagogical research, but so far very little interest from media research, although 1:1 and the overall digitalization of education could fruitfully be related to mediatization, media literacy and what I call “the media citizen” a term referring to a critically thinking, democratically participating and historically aware subject with sufficient skills in media and information literacy. This discussion should not only concern how young people relate to media associated with life outside of school, but also address how they and their teachers use media meant for educational purposes inside school. In addition to this principal discussion I present and reflect on some qualitative data taken from a recent report about a EU-based project where teachers from one Swedish and one German secondary school used iPad (a product and trademark from Apple) over a two-year period. I bring forth what they valued as the main pros and cons of iPad use and try to relate this to the principal and theoretical discussion about media literacy, mediatization and media citizenship.

Med utgångspunkt i texter från en forskningscirkel för folkbibliotikarier och arbete med digitalisering beskriver artikeln begrepp och föreställningar som formar det svenska digitala imperativet.

Our contemporary visual culture is marked by a close connection between camphones and social media and the seamless integration of mundane and spontanous personal photography on a mass scale and networked mobile communication. One dimension of this is a flood of online images depicting the human face and showing bodies posing and gesturing in different physical and networked spaces. Many of these images belong to the generic paradigm and visual order of the selfie, i.e. portraits that one has taken of oneself, typically with a camphone to be uploaded on a social media website. To take selfies and share and comment them online is a common thing to do. Not only among young people. Also many celebrities have picked up on this technique and use it for production of celebrity and self-branding. Social media and fomats like the selfie contribute to a stronger sense of connection and even community between celebrities and fans. This is partly due to the simple fact that they share similar visual codes and online activities in the making and sharing of selfies. Potentially the selfie format can offer possibilities for self-empowerment but the genre is still strongly conditioned by deeply rooted social norms and visual conventions for how gender, age, race, sexuality is supposed to be enacted and (re)presented. This paper discusses selfies and gender in relation to contemporary celebrity culture, and juxtapose this with results from a studie of how 13-year-old Swedish school children give meaning to their selfies as a gendered practice. The paper ends with some thoughts on how celebrity-selfies and childrens own selfies can be used in a context of media literacy.

This article describes how Swedish teens use selfies for gendered self-representation in online peer-to-peer communication. The aim of the article is to critically question and add on to the extensive tradition of studies of large scale mass mediated stereotypes, by looking at how gender selfie stereotypes are produced and performed in social media through the interaction and participation of school children. The article combines constructionist perspectives on representation and gender with social semiotics. Based on empirical data from focus group interviews with student from grade 7 in four Stockholm schools (N=41) the article show that the way the selfie genre is played out and negotiated among teens is marked by gender stereotypes. These stereotypes are used to confirm a dualistic separation of sexes, the subordination of women, and a heteronormative order for sexuality, but also used for “stereotype vitalization” where prevailing gender norms are renegotiated, jested and mocked.

Rapporten Duckface/Stoneface redovisar bland närmare 150 barn i fyra stockholmsskolor i årskurs 4 och 7 gällande sociala medier, spel och bildkommunikation. Här ingår material från ett fyrtiotal intervjuer. Studien redovisar också två workshops. Rapportens utgångspunkter är genusteoretiska. Begrepp som performativitet och genustillägnelse, och teoretiker som Butler, Connell och Yvonne Hirdman är centrala. Detta kombineras med resonemang om medier som vardaglig praktik (Couldry) och sociosemiotiska perspektiv på bildkommunikation (Kress m.fl.). Rapporten visar hur barnens liv online och offline flätas samman genom smarta mobiler och andra medieting. Den visar också att det finns starka drag av genusbetingat isärhållande. Spel, sociala medier och bildkommunikation blir arenor för att tillägna sig genus genom ålders- och könsbunden socialisation.

My paper is based on qualitative results and reflections taken from a recently published Swedish study on social media, gaming and image communication among 10 and 13 year old in four schools in Stockholm (N 146). In my paper I focus on image communication and discuss two visual genres that exploded with camphones and the growing access to mobile internet, that is Selfies (self portraits) and Ussies (with friends). Over a short period of time these and other visual camphone-genres have become part of our increasingly mediatized everyday life (Hjarvard 2013) and the personal publishing genres that develop through networked publics online (Boyd 2010).

Selfies and Ussies also seem to be an unavoidable part of contemporary peer to peer gender socialization, inside and outside school, and in line with R.W Connell (2002) I see these as part of the appropriation of gender (R.W Connell 2002) through the performance of gender (Butler 1999). This agency means investments and explorations in contemporary gender identity; in close intersection with heteronormativity and age.

In relation to this a discussion of selfies as representations of a dominant gender order is appropriate, but I want to expand this through social semiotics (Kress 2010) as these images not only depicts a person, represents gender norms, and function as vehicles in impression management online/offline, selfies can also be seen as a form of communicative action taking place in the context of what Villi (2012) calls a ‘visual chit chat culture, where the photo opportunity, and the occasion, as well as possible reactions and comments (likes etc.) also are a part of the visual pragmatics. I addition to this I find it fruitful to see smart phones as relational objects (Turkle 2012) and personal interfaces between life offline (f.x. in school) and life online within individualized networks (Raine & Wellman 2012) connected to a wider participatory media culture (Jenkins 2006). Around this a set of practices are formed, and these can be understood through phenomenological and sociological perspective, as presented by Couldry (2012) and Moores (2012).

My paper centers on results from 26 focus group interviews and two workshops. My results on one hand show strong connections between selfies produced by tweens and teens and gender stereotypes and essentialist conceptions of gender. On the other hand the indicate practices of production, distribution and reception that partly undermines traditional gender categorizations.

I want to raise the question of citizenship; in relation to media literacy, civic engagement, and media pedagogics. I will do this by first talking a bit about the concept of citizenship in relation to literacy and media. This will lead us over to the concept "media citizenship", and the making of "the media citizen", a concept that is linked to the research project Educating the media citizen and the mediatization of school. Curriculum, teaching material, teachers. After some words about this, I will end with some questions that I hope that our workshop can help us advance.

The main question in this dissertation is: How can the emergence of local and commercial radio and the ensuing changes within each be understood in relation to intermedial and intramedial competition? This overarching question is broken down into four research questions. What driving forces contributed to the implementation of local and commercial radio respectively? (How can the competitive context of these two radio forms be described and periodized? In what ways have the practices of producing radio output, radio audiences and brands changed during the period covered by this study? What similarities and differences have emerged between local radio and commercial radio over time?

This study can be seen as an institutional media history, focusing on two distinctive periods in the history of Swedish radio and television, Decentralization (1977-1987) and Commercialization (1987 onwards). The empirical material consists of documents, press clippings and some forty semi-structured in-depth interviews. Theoretically the dissertation combines political economy with a cultural perspective on media production and institutional intentionality.

The empirical content is a two-part study on local radio and on commercial radio, presented through narrative principles of chronology and periodization.

The results of the study are integrated to a large extent into the historical presentation that makes up the major part of the dissertation. More specifically, this historical exposition shows that issues of competition were important also before the deregulation of Swedish radio in 1993, and that the competitive conditions for these two parts of the Swedish radio landscape are on the one hand fundamentally different and on the other have become more similar over the years, especially when it comes to competitive strategies and production philosophies.

The aim of this paper is to present the project “Media Citizenship and the Mediatization of School: Curricula, Educational Materials, Teachers”(2016-2018; financed by The Swedish Central Bank’s foundation for Humanities and Social Science/Riksbankens Jubileumsfond). Herein mediatization theory is combined with curriculum theory, to develop an understanding of what we call “the media citizen” (social subjects whose critical abilities, historical awareness and inclination for democratic participation are assumed to be media-dependent). The project comprises three sub-studies; covering curricula, education material and teacher’s training, during the period 1962−2016.

     In Sweden as well as in many other countries there is today much emphasis on the structural transformation of education through digitalization; which is promoted and implemented by a conglomerate of influential political-economical-pedagogical interests (municipalities, principals, teacher unions, Apple, Google, miscellaneous digitalization apostles) in ventures meant to raise ”digital competence through, e.g. through “one to one” (one computer, lap top etc. per student/teacher) (Grönlund 2013, Hansson 2014), cloud-services, mandatory courses in computer programming, E-learning etc. (cf. SOU 2014:13). Parallel to this, the citizens breaded by the current school system dwell in a globalized online/offline world with smart phones, internet, and social media (Forsman 2014, Boyd 2014, Turkle 2012). Which also influence views on media and information literacy (MIL) and “media citizenship” (c.f. Bagga-Gupta et al. 2013, Mihailidis 2014), Wilson 2011 et.al).

     The ongoing digitization has been compared with earlier shifts in the history of literacy (Goody & Watt 1963), and/or shifts between the ”Discourse Networks” of 1800 and 1900 (Kittler 2012). The implied consequences for schooling appear to be significant and the school’s task of reproducing knowledge and common principles over generations is thoroughly challenged (Bourdieu & Passeron 2008).

     Still, much of the debate about the digitalization of education is policy-oriented, shortsighted and techno centric, and it shifts between determinism (technology is the basis of all social change) and instrumentalism (technology is in itself neutral). In contrast, this project study the historical impact of the media on the school’s training of what we call “media citizens” by combining mediatization theory with curriculum theory.

     Mediatization theory refers to a historical “meta-process” (Krotz 2007) and how all societal spheres (politics, science, religion, etc.) and aspects of everyday life are increasingly influenced by the institutions, technologies, and “logics of the media” (c.f. Lundby 2014, Hepp 2013, Hjarvard 2013, Kaun & Fast 2014). With a few exceptions (Lingard & Rawolle 2015, Breiter 2014, Livingstone 2015) relatively little has has so far been done on the mediatization of education.

It is also striking that mediatization so far has not been addressed much within the wide area of curriculum theory; here "curriculum" carries a wider significance than the specific policy document – referring to the historical, symbolic, material, and scientific conditions under which such documents are designed, as well as the "frame factors" that limit or allow their actualization as teaching (Lundgren 1979/89, 1999; cf. Pinar ed. 2014, Biesta, 2013).

     In contrast to much existing discourse on school and media, this project does not suggest normative positions, nor pedagogical MIL-strategies for classroom; instead, it is motivated by an ambition to develop mediatization theory in relation to the field of education and thus contribute to the ongoing discussion about MIL and media and literacy, in Sweden and other countries, by adding an informed, critical and historical perspective.

Since the 1960s, there has been a thriving Nordic tradition of media literacy research, pedagogics, and policy on how to best prepare the emerging media citizen for an increas-ingly mediatised society. Although the Nordic model of media literacy has previously been characterised by connections to Bildung, critical theory, cultural studies, and progressive pedagogics, much of today’s understanding of media literacy is associated with a more instrumental understanding of education, with connections to the commercialisation and digitalisation of compulsory education. By suggesting a historisation of the Nordic media literacy tradition, in connection to the Nordic media welfare state, this article opens a debate about the future directions of Nordic media literacy.

This entry is based on data from recent reports regarding the infrastructure, traditions, stakeholders, and so on in the field of media literacy and media education in Sweden, with focus on the K-12 (primary and secondary) system. It also describes a tension in terminology and orientation between media and information literacy (MIL) with its underlying tradition of Bildung and civic engagement, and digital competence, colored by presentism, with its more technology centered, instrumental view on media and education.

This entry presents mediatization as concept and as an emerging research field. Mediatization is a name for the long-term structural impact of the media on institutions like politics, religion, family, education, and so on. In this process, the autonomy of media institutions increases, media technologies become ever more present and deeply integrated into everyday life, media esthetics and media logics saturate the fabrics of social practices and cultural life. Different aspects and indicators of mediatization are discussed. So is mediatization in relation to education, digitalization, and media literacy.

Digitaliseringens omvandlingar har jämförts med alfabetiseringens (Goody & Watt 1963), och skiftet mellan 1800- och 1900-talens ”nedskrivningssystem” (Kittler 2012). Konsekvenserna för skolan är i så fall betydande. Medan skolans medieekologi (Erixon 2014) traditionellt utgår från alfabetisering, boken och ”den typografiska människan” (McLuhan 1962), vistas den idag av skolan fostrade medborgaren (Dewey 1916/1999) i en online/offline värld av smarta telefoner, internet, sociala medier (Boyd 2014, Forsman 2014, Turkle 2011). Skolans uppgift att reproducera kunskaps- och värdegrunder över generationer (Bourdieu & Passeron 2008) utmanas i grunden, om elevernas färdigheter i informationssamhällets tekniker överträffar lärargenerationens (Österud 2004).

Under de senaste 10–15 åren har skolpolitiska aktörer (kommuner, lärarfack, SKL) samverkat med kommersiella intressenter (Apple, Google, läromedelsförlag) i satsningar på IKT (informations- och kommunikationsteknologi): en läroplatta per elev (Grönlund 2013), implementering av lärplattformar, online-undervisning, molntjänster, e-läromedel, och utvecklande av ”morgondagens klassrum”. Därtill har Digitaliseringskommissioner i olika omgångar betonat vikten av en ökad digitalisering av skolan. Skolans (medie)literacitet(er) (Bagga-Gupta 2013) har även knutits till frågor om demokrati, yttrandefrihet och källkritik, under begreppet medie- och informationskunnighet (MIK); genom riktlinjer från Unesco (Wilson 2011 m.fl.) och en ”MIK-läroplan” för lärarutbildning (Carlsson 2013, 2014). En översikt (Forsman/Statens medieråd 2014) visar dock att både IKT- och MIK-området präglas av historisk omedvetenhet och brist på oberoende forskning, samt inga eller svaga strukturer för långsiktighet inom området i landets lärarutbildningar, snarare har aktörerna inom området länge varit projektfinansierade ”eldsjälar” eller externa organisationer.

Nu börjar myndigheter som Statens medieråd och organisationer som Surfa Lugnt eller andra alltmer ta över ”MIK-området” medan ”IKT” och implementeringen av digitala och nätverksbundna undervisningsteknologier präglas av medie- och IT-företag som tillhandahåller och har inflytande över plattformar, nätverk, hårdvaror, program, lärarfortbildning, utvecklandet av pedagogiska online modeller, virtuella klassrum etc. Därmed blir kunskapsintresset inom både MIK som IKT gärna policyorienterat, presentistiskt och kortsiktigt, och mediesynen såväl deterministisk (teknik är grunden till social förändring) som instrumentell (teknik är ”i sig” neutral). Kritik har också riktats mot den ideologi som ligger bakom skolans digitaliseringen (Selwyn 2014) och även ”MIK-paradigmet” har kritiserats, för att vara nyliberalt och individualiserande (Drotner et.al. 2017, Wallis & Buckingham 2013). Annan kritik gäller avsaknaden av perspektiv på materiella och infrastrukturella dimensioner av skolans digitalisering och samhällets medialisering.

Skola och utbildning är en mångmiljardmarknad och en samhällelig infrastruktur och sålunda högintressant för ”Info Tech Giants” som Apple, Google och andra vars affäsmodeller bygger på kapitaliseringen av kommunikativa aktiviteter, sökningar, och innehållsproduktioner som användare av plattformar och nätverk står för; vilket brukar knytas till begrepp som free labor, connectivity och plattformization (van Dijck 2013, Fuchs 2015). Hur kan och bör det offentliga skolsys§temet förhålla sig till dessa mekanismer? Är ett ökat fokus på multi-literacitet och multi-modalitet (Kress 2010) svaret? Eller kan kritisk (medie)literacitet (c.f. Kellner & Share 2007) inom ramen för en längre tradition av bildning (jfr. Livingstone et.al 2008) vara en motkraft? Kanske kan det mer instrumentella begreppet ”digital kompetens” visa vägen?

Under 2016 gjorde Skolverket (2015:01153) tillägg i Lgr 11 för att ytterligare betona vikten av digitalisering. Häri ges begreppet ”digital kompetens” en framskjuten plats. Detta är ett begrepp som har använts länge inom OECD och EU och som har sin plats inom nyliberal styrning (governance) och educational-management. Ur ett mer kritisk och historicerande perspektiv kan ”digital kompetens” förstås som en form för temporalisering och politisk styrning i skapandet av socio-teknologiska framtidsbilder (jfr. Jasanoff 2015).

Målet med min presentation är att med hjälp av Kosellecks (1985/2004) “historiska semantik” följa “digital kompetens” som ett led i synkroniseringen av korporativa intressen med svensk läroplan. I detta kombinerar jag medialiseringsteori (Hepp, 2012, Lundby, 2014) och läroplansteori (ex. Popkewitz, 2015) med en kritisk förståelse av digitaliseringen av utbildning och undervisning (Selwyn 2014). Jag avslutar med att fråga om det instrumentella övertagandet av utbildning kan mötas av en icke- individualiserad syn på literacitet, kommunikation och kritiskt tänkande, med rötter i Dewey och progressiv pedagogik (jfr. Gordon & Mihailidis, 2016).

Artikeln presenterar grundtankarna bakom konceptet medie- och informationskunnighet (MIK) och de diskussioner och argument som förts fram av Unesco och andra gällande MIK. Artikeln argumenterar för vikten av ett bildningsperspektiv på MIK- frågor.

This chapter presents Neil Postman’s Amusing Ourselves to Death, which is a critique of the effects of television on print culture, public debate, and public education. Postman’s book can also be read as an example of a media ecological approach to the long-term effects of communication technologies on human culture. This presentation approaches Postman’s book from four perspectives: as a form of media philosophy, media history, media critique, and finally as a proposition for a media ecological approach to education.

Over the last few decades the Swedish K12 system has undergone a series of implementations of new information and communication technology [ICT] (Hylén 2011, Söderlund 2000). One current aspect of this structural transformation are projects with so called One to One (1:1), meaning that teachers and students alike get their personal laptop or tablet computer to use for daily work inside/outside school.

The roots of the 1:1 movement are American but it hit Sweden about 10 years ago, and has since then been well documented and discussed (Fleischer 2013, Grönlund 2014, Kroksmark 2013, Tallvid 2015). One dimension of the 1.1 advocacy are some very influential politico- economical actors packaging the One to One-venture in claims about the relentlessness of digitalization and the benefits (even magic) of educational technologies as problem solution and the necessary road ahead. Often this discourse is linked to OECD-statistics and an urge for a development of “objective indicators of digital competency”, combined with strains of “progressive pedagogics” and notions of multimodality and formative learning (Hattie 2012, Kress 2010). Among the buzzwords one finds: digital natives, network society, communica- tion, innovation, digital literacy, participatory media and life long learning.

Concurrent with this top-down implementation of digital media into the everyday life of the Swedish school system there is another process of digitalization and mediatization that is more of bottom-up; as students and their teachers are increasingly dependent on and tethered to ubiquitous media services (c.f. Turkle 2011) in their everyday life, also when it comes to

learning or teaching duties. It is thus accurate to say that the Swedish school system of today is “moulded by the media” (Hepp 2013) and that “media is everywhere” and “everything is media” (c.f. Deuze 2012, Livingstone 2009, 2015) also in this section of everyday life in con- temporary society (Kaun & Fast 2014),.

Schools have always been media spaces (c.f. Couldry & McCarthy 2004) and teaching and learning are inexorably linked to different forms of media technologies. It is also well known that the relations between media use for formal educational purposes inside school (books, black boards etc.) and children’s optional usage of media and popular culture outside school is a complex matter (Buckingham 2007, Drotner 2008, Hall & Whannel 1964, Postman 1993). Still, my point not is to position different media technologies and media cultures in relation to each other, nor to contribute to the ongoing pedagogical discussion about “digital literacy”, but rather to discuss how media technologies and the preconceptions surrounding them constitutes a “cultural technology” (Bolin 2012, Miller 2007, Winthrop Young 2013) for fostering not only labor and consumers but also what I refer to as “media citizens (c.f. Dahlgren 2011, Schudson 1999).

It is in order to understand and historicise this process that I enter the terrain of mediatization theory (Hepp & Krotz 2014 Hjarvard 2013, Lundby 2014). I start my paper by discussing mediatization both as a general “meta-process” (Krotz 2007) and as something with specifici- ty within the educational system (Breiter 2014). I then relate this to some of the critique that has been directed towards the current digitalization of education − for propagating a neoliber- al and instrumental view on education that makes schools financially and pedagogically de- pendent on corporations like Google, Apple, Intel etc. and others within the growing edu-tech industry (Buckingham 2007, Selwyn 2014).

Hereby I want to address digitalization of education as a formal and an informal re- conceptualization of the curriculum; not only understood as steering documents but as a pre- vailing logic and undercurrent (Popkewitz 2015) with implications for the fostering a new form of media citizen (Bennet 2008, Hartley 2010, Mihailidis 2014, Ratto & Bohler 2014).

In the final part of my paper I link this discussion to some empirical findings made within a EU-financed school development project, where teacher’s in one Swedish and one German school simultaneously made the shift to 1:1, and where the logics of mediatization and a new understanding of teaching, learning and media citizenship was noticeable.

References

Bennett, W Lance (2008), ”Changing citizenship in the digital age”, Civic Life Online, Cambridge: MIT Press Bolin, Göran (2012) (ed.). Cultural technology. The shaping of culture in media and society, New York:

Routledge.Breiter, Andreas (2014). ”Schools as mediatized worlds”. In Hepp, A. & Krotz F (eds.). Mediatized Worlds.

Culture and Society in a Media Age, London: Palgrave & Macmillan.Buckingham, David (2000). After the death of childhood. Growing up in the age of electronic media, Cam-

bridge: Polity Press.Buckingham, David (2007). Beyond technology. Children ́s learning in the age of digital culture, Cambridge:

Polity Press.Couldry, Nick & Anna McCarthy (2004). MediaSpace: place, scale and culture in a media age, London:

Routledge, 2004.Dahlgren, P (2011). “Mediated Citizenships: power, practices, and identities “, Int. J. Electronic Governance,

Vol. 4, Nos. 1/2 

The Paducation project involved teachers representing a variety of disciplines from two upper-secondary schools in Germany and Sweden. The teachers used iPad on a daily basis to explore and evaluate the possibilities and challenges that this technology could bring to their profession.

The use of iPad was discussed in relation to different knowledge cultures and subject traditions. Collaborative work within and between the two groups took place offline in workshops and online through a mutual blog.

This report describes different aspects of the project and the process that unfolded including eight articles written by project participants. The report also presents some over-reaching outcomes from the project as well as some critical thoughts.

The findings are a compelling read for anyone engaged in teaching or teacher education providing practical know-how and should be read in relation to the on-going digitalization of education.

I början och mitten av 1980-talet fördes animerade debatter inom Sveriges Radio och i kommenterade press gällande omställningar av Riksradions kanalprofiler och programläggning. Främst handlade det om P1 och införandet av ”blockprogram” som God morgon Världen och ”journalistifieringen” av kulturprogram som Kulturnytt. På ett djupare plan gällde dessa debatter ett paradigmatiskt skifte i sättet att tänka och göra public service-radio. Det handlade om övergången från programbaserad och producentstyrd radio till kanalbaserad och tablåstyrd radio. I dessa diskussioner ställdes företagsstrategiska pragmatik (standardisering, kostnadseffektivitet, synergier etc.) mot den kreativa sidan av public service (originalitet) och centrala värdegrundsfrågor (bildning). I detta ställdes lyssnarsiffror och kanalprofileringar mot personlighet, variation och bildningsanspråk,

Talk Rack and Participatel Cultural technologies and the rnaking of the active audience in Swedish local radio 1977-2000 describes the techniques and cultural forms that were used in early Swedish local radio to engage and interact with the local radio audience, through phone ins, amatuer production etc.