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  • 1. Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin
    et al.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political science.
    The Influence of National Parliaments over Domestic European Union Policies2009In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 32, no 4, p. 359-381Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article presents survey results on Swedish and Finnish parliamentarians' perceptions concerning their influence over domestic decision making in European Union (EU) matters. In the literature the parliaments in Sweden and Finland are classified as powerful ones that can exert considerable influence over domestic EU policy making. Moreover, Finland and Sweden joined the EU at the same time. Therefore the overall expectation is that the parliaments should be equally powerful. However, the results from this survey indicate a significant difference in perceived influence between the two parliaments. It is obvious that Swedish parliamentarians perceive themselves as more marginalised in relation to the government than Finnish parliamentarians. After trying different explanations, it is concluded that the differences can be ascribed to the parliaments' different organisational set-ups for government oversight.

  • 2. Andersson, Staffan
    et al.
    Bergman, Torbjörn
    Controlling Corruption in the Public Sector2009In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 32, no 1, p. 45-70Article, review/survey (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Much of the literature on political corruption is based on indices such as the ones presented by Transparency International, but the reliability and validity of these indices are questionable. The main alternative approach – qualitative case studies – often lacks a theoretical framework allowing for systematic empirical analysis. To remedy this shortcoming, this article places qualitative case studies into the framework of principal-agent theory. The cases comprise two Swedish county councils (regional governments), both of which reorganised their administrations in similar ways in the 1990s. One experienced corruption scandals, but the other did not. In comparing them, the article links the propensity for corruption to institutional design – in particular, the mechanisms of delegation and control.

  • 3. Bergman, Torbjörn
    Sweden: Democratic Reforms and Partisan Decline in an Emerging Separation-of-Powers System2004In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 203-225Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Early in the twentieth century, parliamentary democracy developed within an 1809 constitution based on separation of powers. By the mid-1970s, the last remnants of this constitution had disappeared. After that, measures such as more openness in candidate nominations, positive preference voting and more scrutiny by parliamentarians were introduced to strengthen the democratic chain. But a weakening of political parties and an increased importance of external constraints are again moving Sweden towards a de facto separation-of-powers system. There is once again a considerable discrepancy between the written constitutional framework and the ‘working constitution’. In particular, local and supranational constraints on national policy making provide reason for a reconsideration of the constitutional framework.

  • 4. Bergman, Torbjörn
    et al.
    Strøm, Kaare
    Shifting Dimensions of Citizen Control2004In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 27, no 2, p. 89-113Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    European politics is still dominated by representative and parliamentary national systems of policy making. These systems can be seen as chains of political delegation from citizens through parliamentarians and executive office holders to civil servants. In these chains, a major trend for the past thirty years, and more strongly during the second half of that period, is a strengthening of agents’ accountability to the principals. But, simultaneously, citizens’ ability to exercise accountability through parliamentary democracy is eroding because of a decline in political party cohesion. Concurrently, constraints external to both the constitutional chain and political parties are growing stronger.The changes along these three dimensions lead to a situation in which democratic principals commonly decide more about less. Thus, while reforms have strengthened the constitutional parliamentary chain of governance, there is also an ongoing de-parliamentarisation of modern politics. The main motivation for this special issue is to investigate this general phenomenon through a set of focused case studies of the Nordic (here known as ‘Scandinavian’) countries. These analyses show important differences in how these trends have been manifest. In one country, Finland, the parliamentary chain has actually grown in strength and importance in the last decade.

  • 5. Jacobsson, Kerstin
    Discursive will-formation and the question of legitimacy in European politics1997In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 20, no 1, p. 69-90Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 6.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    Södertörn University, Avdelning 1, Political science.
    A case of a surplus majority government: The Finnish rainbow coalition2002In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 57-83Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Surplus majority government is the most frequent type of cabinet in postwar Finland. The case study investigates the explicative power of two groups of theories of surplus majority government on the Finnish rainbow coalition formed in 1995. Firstly, theories that model surplus size as instrumental for government capability, i.e. surplus size as critical to decision-making capability, Secondly, theories that model the surplus size as a possibility or where the size is the result of the expected utility of government being higher than that of opposition for the political parties in terms of goal realisation. The main materials studied are internal party documentation and interviews with key people. The result of the study is that parties' strategic features best explain the surplus size of the rainbow coalition, since participation in government offers greater opportunities for the realisation of party goals, such as policy, votes and future office.

  • 7.
    Jungar, Ann-Cathrine
    et al.
    Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, Political Science.
    Jupskås, Anders Ravik
    Populist radical right parties in the nordic region: A new and distinct party family?2014In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 37, no 3, p. 215-238Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The Nordic countries are no longer characterized by a stable five-party system. Not only have small Christian parties and Green parties emerged in most countries, so-called 'populist radical right parties' have also been increasingly successful in recent decades. This article examines to what extent the populist radical right parties in the Nordic countries represent a new party family. Based on various and original data, including archive material, interviews with key representatives, party manifestos and expert surveys, the processes of deciding party names, the development of transnational linkages and ideological transformation are analyzed. The article demonstrates that even though the Danish People's Party, the True Finns and the Sweden Democrats have different historical legacies, they have converged ideologically (i.e., socioeconomically centrist and socioculturally authoritarian), adopted similar names and are on the verge of becoming a more formalized transnational actor. The Progress Party in Norway is better seen as a hybrid between a populist radical right party and a more traditional conservative party. The findings challenge several classifications in the extensive literature on populist radical right parties. Most importantly, the True Finns should be included as a populist radical right party, whereas the Norwegian party should be treated more carefully. Furthermore, Nordic populist radical right parties are no longer - if they have ever been - so-called 'neoliberal populists'. Finally, the findings suggest a re-freezing of the Nordic party systems in which a phase of divergence has been replaced by a phase of convergence.

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