Kapitlet diskuterar begreppen dilettant och virtuos inom en borgerlig kulturvärld under 1800-talet, med exempel från Stockholm och Helsingfors. Dilettanten, som representant för ett borgerligt amatör-ideal, kan ses som representant för ett inkluderande förhållningssätt där kärleken till konsten var ett bärande inslag. Denna dilettantkultur utmanades dock under seklets gång av parallella processer av professionalisering och kommersialisering av det offentliga musiklivet. Amatören och dilettanten förblev dock viktiga inslag även i offentliga sammanhang seklet ut. Dessa "typer" - liksom deras motpol virtuosen - kom också att spela en viktig roll för 1800-talets debatt om konstens och musikens utveckling.

Essän behandlar på ett populärvetenskapligt sätt det mest betydande musikaliska sällskapet i Stockholm under 1800-talets första hälft; dess framväxt sprunget ur en bildad borgerlighet och dess roll i en spirande kulturell offentlighet. Essän följer sällskapet genom utvecklingen av det offentliga musiklivet där ökad professionalisering och ökad konkurrens när nöjeslivet i staden växte och utvecklades förändrade villkoren för borgerlighetens amatörutövare.

Kapitlet diskuterar de olika "rummen" för konstmusik i fr.a. Stockholm med betoning på 1800-talets första hälft, i ljuset av begrepp som integration--segregation, eller avstånd respektive närhet. I centrum står relationen mellan de uppträdande artisterna och deras publik, och kapitlet berör formerna för konserter, amatörenas roll samt hur olika musikaliska evenemang var del av olika slags offentlighet, liksom deras roll i formandet av en borgerlig kultur.

”…among his Harmonic friends he was just a human”: The Harmonic Society in Stockholm 1820–1865, music and civil society

For several decades, the Harmonic Society occupied a special place among the voluntary associations of early nineteenth-century Stockholm. During its heydays in the 1820s and 1830s, its combined forces of about 120 choristers and 40 musicians – all but a few amateurs – were hailed as the backbone of musical life in the capital.

Drawing on evidence primarily from contemporary newspapers and letters, the article argues that the Harmonic society in its early phase provides a good illustration of a voluntary association as a key factor in an emerging civil society. In line with previous research on voluntary associations, it shows that the purpose guiding the musical society was to provide a haven for music-lovers – irrespective of estate or conviction. In their joint projects – in this case large scale choral works – everyone could come together, freed from other attachments or daily obligations.

The Harmonic Society was founded by ten men who constituted a cross-section of the 1820s middle class, with a background as tradesmen, civil servants and professionals. They soon adopted a double mission of ”dilettantism”

and ”reform”. The core activity was the social commitment to singing and playing, for the sheer love of music, in private or with invited guests. However, in the early 1820s the society also started a singing school for children, and (from 1824) gave occasional public concerts, sometimes for charity. Love of music should be for the benefit of society.

In 1831, with the election of nobleman Bernhard von Beskow as chairman, the Harmonic society embarked on a different path. The aim was now to attract the attention of the royal court and nobility, thus elevating the Harmonic Society from its middle-class origins. This ambition proved successful in the sense that newspapers in the 1830s regularly reported on the activities of the society, dutifully stressing the attendance of royalties and high society. But these ambitions caused severe tensions within the society, with older members lamenting the loss of their unassuming comradeship and humbler gatherings.

From the 1840s, the society met with new challenges. The public music scene was expanding and becoming more professionalized and commercialized.

New genres, not least the male choir, often formed by workers’ associations, posed a new kind of competition. From c. 1850, most of its activities seems to have waned, after several failed attempts at revival. The cultural public sphere had moved on, leaving the bourgeois amateurs’ 

The article discusses the relationship between gender equality politics and the advancement of neo-liberalism in Sweden from the 1980s–90s. As theoretical starting point serves a discussion by Nancy Fraser, concerning the relationship between feminism and neo-liberalism, and her fears that capitalism has co-opted the feminist agenda, in fact putting feminism in the service of market-liberalism. From many perspectives, it is evident that Swedish society, like so many in the Western world, has been subjected to the forces of market logic, imbuing the politics from conservatism to social-democracy alike. To what extent has this development affected feminism on the one hand, and gender equality politics on the other? Do we detect a new kind of liberal feminism? A neo-liberal feminism? The article makes use of empirical evidence concerning the current politics on behalf of the Liberal-Conservative Swedish Government to promote female entrepreneurship. Three political areas with relevance for both gender equality and the issue of female entrepreneurship are investigated: the future of the public welfare sector, the issue of tax-deduction for household services, and, finally, gender quotas and women on company boards. While promoting a politics where the market is increasingly substituted for the public welfare-sector, and offered as a solution in most political areas, the Liberal-Conservatives of today have nevertheless embraced a feminist rhetoric. Acknowledging the forces of ‘the gender powerorder’ and structural inequality is now a standard feature within liberal gender equality politics. This political merger between feminism and neo-liberal politics may be interpreted as just paying lip-service; as a way of reconciling a long tradition of consensus surrounding gender equality with the overall neo-liberal aim of transforming the entire society along market principles. But, we may also see a neo-liberal feminism in its own right, intent on expanding the field of gender equality to enterprise, ownership and economic power.